Sosman & Landis: Shaping the Landscape of American Theatre. Employee No. 40 – Fred Evans

Copyright © 2021 by Wendy Waszut-Barrett

Fred Evans was a scenic artist at Sosman & Landis who specialized in painting street scenes. I have yet to locate definitive employment dates for Evans at the firm, but it was the early twentieth century.

Gravestone of Fred A. Evans, a scenic artist at Sosman & Landis Scene Painting Studio. Acacia Park Cemetery and Mausoleum in Norwood, Illinois.

Frederick Arthur Evans was born in Wales, sometime between 1853 and 1855. He was the son of Robert Evans and Mary Roberts, with his birth possibly registered at Merthyr Tydfil in Glamorgan County. To date, nothing is known of his early childhood or emigration to America, yet Frederick was living in the United States by 1870 and naturalized by 1872. The 1870 US Federal Census lists a 16-yrs.-old Frederick Evans living with Robert Roberts and Elizabeth Roberts in Chicago’s Sixth Ward. As Roberts was his mother’s maiden name, this was possibly a maternal familial tie, likely an uncle. At the time, Robert Roberts was 32-yrs. old and employed as a brass moulder. 

By 1875 Frederick was listed in the Chicago Directory as a printer. The next year, in 1876, he was listed as a painter, boarding at 514 Wabash Avenue in Chicago. Evans would continue to work in both the printing and painting fields for the remainder of his life. From 1878 until 1901, the “Chicago Directory” pretty consistently listed Evans as a printed, and the 1910 Census listed him as a “lithographer.” That being said, this does not mean that Evans solely worked for the printing industry, as many professional lithographers also worked at scenic artists throughout the late-nineteenth-century and early-twentieth-century. Even in 1920, the federal census listed two occupations and industries for Evans: the first entry was “editor” in the “newspaper” industry, and his second entry was “laborer” in the “drops” industry. Evans represents a unique type of career combination (scenic artist/lithographer); one that I have encountered before. These dual careers paired so well together at this time.

I am going to take a moment to address this blending of printing and painting occupations, a group of artists who lived with one foot in the painting profession and the other foot in the printing industry. Nineteenth-century scenic art paired beautifully with other illustrative arts. There is something extremely comforting about being able to paint both big and small, and there were always the small models and color renderings to create for projects. Until scenic studios began to function like a factory, scenic artists had to be well-versed in a variety of artistic mediums and scales.

Two of the most famous painter/printer pairings were Otto Jevne and P. M. Almini. There is a lovely article about the two at Chicagology, here is the link: https://chicagology.com/prefire/prefire175/

Jevne & Almini not only ran an extremely successful decorative firms, but also were well known for their pre-1871 color lithographs of Chicago.  The two partnered in 1855 to establish Jevne & Almini, fresco artists. By the 1860s, they entered the publishing business. Their most popular work was a series entitled “Chicago Illustrated,” beginning in 1866. The publication included stunning views of Chicago and descriptive text.

Plate published by Jevne & Almini. Posted to Chicagology.
Color lithograph published by Jevne & Almini.

They did not leave the decorative painting business to focus on publishing, instead they diversified their interests. All the while, the two operated a successful painting firm and artistic supply business, securing interior decoration contracts for numerous churches, assembly halls, and public buildings across the country. Their project’s included well-known theaters such as McVicker’s Theatre and Crosby’s Opera House in Chicago, as well as other prominent structures across the country, including state capitols in Madison, Wisconsin, Des Moines, Iowa, and Topeka, Kansas. In addition to painting and publishing, Jevne & Almini also featured a “Free Art Gallery” and sold painting supplies in the mid-1860s, located at 152-4 Clark Street. An advertisement from 1869 announced, “JEVNE & ALMINI, Importers and Dealers in Artist and Painters’ Materials, and Fresco Painters, 152 & 154 Clark Street, Chicago. They became a hub, gathering a variety of artists and forming an incredible network of skilled labor; this was a brilliant business marketing strategy.

Unfortunately, it was the Chicago fire of 1871 that terminated the partnership and end their involvement in the publication business.  The two split, with each artist establishing their own firm. Many Sosman & Landis artists got their start at P. M. Almini & Co., including last president of the firm, Thomas G. Moses (1856-1934). In the early 1870s, Moses worked for Louis Malmsha at Almini’s company, gilding opera boxes and assisting with ornamental painting projects. Moses entered the scenic art profession as an after-hours-assistant to his mentor Malmsha, painting stage settings at McVicker’s Theatre.

1872 P. M. Almini & Co. advertisement

Another example of this dual career approach is Charles S. Graham, who also greatly influenced Moses’ scenic art career (link to my past post about it: https://drypigment.net2018/10/03/tales-from-a-scenic-artist-and-scholar-part-524-charles-s-graham/). Graham was another professional who worked as both a scenic artist and lithographer, making a national name for himself by the late-nineteenth-century. His work was especially popular at Harper’s Magazine. Here is a work by Graham for Harper’s, dated Nov. 30, 1878; it really bridges the gap between lithography and scenic art:

By Charles Graham for “Harper’s,” 1878.

So, you see, Fred A. Evans working as a printer and painter is a common pairing.

I am including listings for Frederick A. Evans’ from the Chicago Directory, c. 1875-1901. There are a few gaps in years, but it still gives a pretty good scope of his printing career and residences in Chicago. It also provides a sense of how difficult it is can be to track down an individual with slight name changes; it involves searching each directory and making comparisons with other artists.

1875 Chicago Directory: Evans, Frederick. printer. R 49 W. Ohio.

1876 Chicago Directory: Evans, Frederick. painter, boarding at 514 Wabash av

1877 Chicago Directory: Evans, Frederick A. foreman 170 Clark, h 152 Douglas Av. [This is where the publication office of the Educational Weekly was located in 1877 until it moved to 170 Madison later that year].

1878 Chicago Directory: Evans, Fred A. printer, h 163 24th

1882 Chicago Directory: Evans, Fred A. printer, h 2828 Groveland

1885 Chicago Directory: Evans, Frederick A. printer 18 Fullerton av h 372 Chicago av

1885 Lakeview, Illinois, City Directory: Evans, F. A. clk. Deering & Co. r 372 E. Chicago av [William Deering & Co. was a farm machinery firm; likely an illustrator for ads or painter of equipment.]

Fred A. Evans periodically worked for Wm. Deering & Co. in the late nineteenth-century. Image from https://chicagology.com/goldenage/goldenage077/

1886 Lakeview, Illinois, City Directory: Evans, Frederick. lithog, r 763 Sheffield av

1887 Chicago Directory: Evans, Frederick A. printer, h 763 Sheffield av

1887 Lakeview, Illinois, City Directory: Evans, Frederick A. lithographer, r 763 Sheffield av

1888 Lakeview, Illinois, City Directory: Evans, F. A. clerk, W. Deering & Co. 18 Fullerton av

1888 Chicago Directory: Evans, Frederick A. printer, h. 763 Sheffield av

1889 Chicago Directory: Evans, Frederick A. clk. 16 Fullerton av. H 763 Sheffield

1889 Lakeview, Illinois, City Directory: Evans, Fred A. clerk, W. Deering & Co. r. 760 Sheffield av

1890 Chicago Directory: Evans, Frederick A. printer, h. 763 Sheffield av

1891 Chicago Directory: Evans, F. A. clk. 18 Fullerton av. h. 763 Sheffield av

1896 Chicago Directory: Evans, Frederick A. printer, h. 670 Sheffield av.

1897 Chicago Directory: Evans, Frederick A. printer, h. 670 Sheffield av

1898 Chicago Directory: Evans, Frederick A. printer, h. 670 Sheffield av

1899 Chicago Directory: Evans, Frederick A. printer, h. 670 Sheffield av

1900 Chicago Directory: Evans, Fred printer h. 666 Sheffield av

1901 Chicago Directory: Evans, Frederick A. printer h 1239 Montana

The 1880 Census listed Fred Evans living with Ada Evans, still working as a printer. They lived at 2964 Dearborn St in Chicago. In actuality, Frederick Evans married Adah (Ada) Senior on June 10, 1885 in Norwood Park (Cook County), Illinois. They would later be buried in Norwood too. Adah L. Senior (b. 1859) was the daughter of Anna (Ann) Hewes and Fred Senior. Born in England, she emigrated to the United States in 1877 and was naturalized in 1892.

Gravestone of Fred A. Evans’ wife Adah L. Senior Evans. Acacia Park Cemetery and Mausoleum in Norwood, Illinois.

Any information pertaining to the Evans family has been extremely difficult to track down and I have spent countless hours examining census reports, immigration records, ship’s manifests, and city directories. Here is what I have located to date: The couple celebrated the birth of a daughter between 1888 and 1894. Pearle A. “Annie” Evans was listed as Annie, Perala, and Pearl.  The 1910 US Federal Census lists Frederick A. Evans as a 53-yrs.-old lithographer working in the newspaper industry. At this time, he was living with his 49-yrs.-old wife Adah L. and is 22-yrs.-old daughter Annie S. (Pearl Annie), at 4148 Sacramento Ave.

In 1914, there were two Pearl (Pearl Annie) Evans in the Chicago Directory: One as a stenographer with Swift & Co. stockyards, h. 3850 Indiana av and the second a stenographer 1047, 175 W Jackson bl h 5949 S Wood. Meanwhile, Fred and Adah were living at 4140 Sacramento av, with Fred Evans still listed as a printer.

On July 19, 1918  the “Chicago Tribune” listed Adah L. and Pearle A. Evans’ involvement with the Grover Cleveland school dedication services (page 7). The article reported, “Mrs. Adah L. Evans sang “The Star Spangled Banner,” accompanied by Miss Pearle A. Evans, who was pianist for the evening.” On July 22, 1918, the “Chicago Tribune” reported that Mrs. Adah L. Evans would sing “Star Spangled Banner,” accompanied by Miss Pearla Evans (Miss Evans is also a musician during the ceremonial part of the evening).  The performance “for the installation of officers at the White Star auxiliary to the Second Illinois Infantry, now the 132 United States infantry” (page 11).

Six years later, the 1920 census lists Pearla Evans as a dancer in the “stage” industry, living with her parents on Sacramento Ave. At this time, Fred was still associated with the publishing and scenery professions.  In 1920, “Pearla” listed her age as “26” in the census, but I highly suspect this information. 

Both Fred and Adah died in 1925 and were buried at the Acacia Park Cemetery and Mausoleum in Norwood, Illinois. It originated as a cemetery for Masons and their families, opened on Chicago’s far northside in 1922. Fred died on January 9, 1924,with Adah following on March 18 of that same year. By 1940, the federal census listed Pearl Evans as an “inmate” (b. 1894) at the Lincoln State School and Colony. It was not a prison, but an asylum for the “feeble minded” in West Lincoln Township, Illinois. The census notes that Pearl only attended the first grade of school; no other information about her past was provided. I have no way of knowing if this is the real fate of Fred and Ada’s daughter. I have yet to locate any marriage or death records for her.

The only other information pertaining to Fred Evans’ scenic art career at Sosman & Landis was provided by Art Oberbeck in an interview with Dr. John Rothgeb on July 24, 1976.  Oberbeck worked at Sosman and Landis at the same time Fred Evans, approximately 1907-1915. He referred to the former Sosman & Landis as a 75 yrs. old “oddball;” but age and character is quite subjective, so I take his comments with a grain of salt. Oberbeck credited Evans’ approach to laying out street scenes as infallible. His process was accounted by Randi Givercer Frank’s M.A. Thesis, “Sosman & Landis Studio: A Study of Scene Painting in Chicago, 1900-1925.” She credits Evan’s Sosman & Landis’ foremost “street painter.” Evans process for laying out street scene included placing the perspective point or horizon line should approximately 5’-9” up from the bottom of the painted composition. For many, this fell at eye-level when painting on a vertical frame. Once the horizon line was established, the correct way to position any single-story building was to put two-thirds of the of the building above the horizon line and one-third below the horizon line. If it was a two-story building, the height of the first story was simply doubled. Keep in mind that painted perspective for the early-twentieth-century stage did not follow the conventional rules for perspective in fine art.

On that note, I am going to include an excerpt from a publication written by another Sosman & Landis employee, Frank H. Atkinson. Atkinson’s publication “Scene Painting and Bulletin Art” (1916) includes a section entitled “Stage Perspective.” Atkinson writes, “Rules of perspective are often very much modified, or even rejected, in scene painting, and “stage perspective” is adopted, especially in the creation of wings or side scenes. In true perspective all lines must converge to a single vanishing point, or they must converge to a double vanishing point. But in scene painting it becomes necessary to violate the rules in order to avoid embarrassment in the result which would follow if true perspective rules are applied below the horizon line. Stage perspective dictates that all lines below the horizon line be kept parallel to the stage floor and the horizon line.” Atkinson’s illustrations place the horizon line at approximately 5’-9” in most scenarios. I am including mention of Atkinson, as he enters the storyline tomorrow when I explore the life and career of Sosman & Landis employee #41 Frank Lewis. Lewis’ younger sister married Atkinson, and they were all living in Chicago and working at Sosman & Landis when Atkinson published his book.

Finally, Dr. John Rothgeb interviewed another former Sosman & Landis scenic artist John Hanny between 1976 and 1983. A letter from John Hanny to Dr. John Rothgeb on July 14, 1976, stated, “[Sosman & Landis] was a wonderful place to work – especially for young and hopeful painters where they could get fine training and experience working with such men as Thomas G. Moses. David Strong, Fred Evans. Frank Lewis, Fred Scott, and William Nutzhorn and others.”

One of the many letter’s from written by John Hanny to Dr. John Rothgeb at the University of Thexas, Austin, between 1976 and 1983. This one is not dated.

To be continued…

Sosman & Landis: Shaping the Landscape of American Theatre. Employee No. 39 – Frank W. Thompson

Copyright © 2021 by Wendy Waszut-Barrett

Frank Wright Thompson and his father, Thomas Edward “Ed” Thompson, were scenic artists at the Sosman and Landis Scene Painting Studio in the early twentieth century.  

Fred Thompson was mentioned by Randy Givercer Frank in her B.A. Thesis, “The Sosman & Landis Studio: A Study in Scene Painting in Chicago, 1900-1925” (University of Texas, Austin, 1979, page 91). She wrote, “Frank, born in 1880, did a little bit of everything, usually painting those things that other artists didn’t want to paint. After Sosman & Landis closed, he became a salesman for Oklahoma Scenic in Oklahoma City.” First of all, Frank was born in 1879, not 1880, and never worked for the Oklahoma Scenic Co. However, there was a Frank D. Thompson (1910-1980) who worked as a salesman for the Oklahoma Scenic Co. in 1937. Frank D. Thompson was the son of Frank A. and Marie J. Thompson, married to Elva Thompson and living at lived at 1300 Nebraska av.; completely different Frank Thompson.

In a 1976 interview conducted by Dr. John Rothgeb with John Hanny, a former Sosman & Landis scenic artist. Hanny remembered that the Ed and Frank Thompson specialized in Masonic scenery at Sosman & Landis. Thompson’s work on Masonic scenes is verified in a studio photograph, c. 1910. The image depicts two men industriously painting on palatial interior backdrop. Hanny indicated that Frank Thompson was  the one standing up and working on the drop. The backdrop has an identifiable composition, designed for an Ancient and Accepted Scottish Rite of Freemasonry degree production. It depicts King Solomon’s Apartments for the sixth and ninth degrees. This was a standard stock scene for Masonic theatre, and extant examples of the same design still exist at the Tucson Scottish Rite in Wichita, Kansas (1908), St. Paul, Minnesota (1910), Tucson, Arizona (1914) and Grand Forks, North Dakota (1915). Below is a similar drop still used at the Scottish Rite Theatre in Tucson.

Arrow shows Frank W. Thompson, identified by John Hanny in 1976. Thompson and his assistant are working on a Scottish Rite drop depicting King Solomon’s Apartments, c. 1910. At the time, Thompson was in his thirties.
Same composition as Frank W. Thompson was work on in studio picture. This photograph shows a backdrop, cut drop and leg drop.
Sosman & Landis backdrop for the Tucson Scottish Rite, c. 1914. The composition is King Solomons’ Apartment.
Painted detail. Sosman & Landis backdrop for the Tucson Scottish Rite, c. 1914.

Frank W. Thompson was the eldest of three sons born to Thomas E. Thompson and Rhonda Wright. His brothers were Fred (b. 1882) and Hiram (b. 1885). Frank was born in Indianapolis, Indiana on December 1, 1879. As a young boy, the family moved from Indianapolis, Indiana, to Cincinnati, Ohio, where his father worked as a scenic artist. In Cincinnati the elder Thompson studied with master scenic artist DeWitt C. Waugh at the Grand Opera House. Frank was five years old when his father started his two-year assistantship with Waugh. Ed Thompson was painting at a variety of theaters in Indianapolis, Cincinnati and St. Louis as Frank grew up.

The Thompson family moved to St, Louis, Missouri, in the early 1890s. This is where Frank came of age and trained as a scenic artist. It is very likely that Frank learned the scenic art trade from his father, and first began painting at Hagan’s Opera House when he was a teenager. In St. Louis, the Ed Thompson began working at Hagan’s in 1891; this was when Frank was eleven years old. From 1893 to 1897, the “St. Louis City Directory” listed “Edward Thompson” as stage manager for the Hagan Opera House. This would have been the time when Frank began focusing on the scenic art trade. By 1900, Frank was living on his own and working as a scenic artist in St. Louis. He married Emma J. Dietche in 1900 and moved in with his wife’s family, his mother-in-law’s home (Lena Dietche), that same year.

The 1900 Census lists newlyweds Emma J. Dietche Thompson (also Dietsche) and Frank Thompson living at 4337 Juniata Street in St. Louis, Missouri. This was the same address listed for Emma’s mother. Mrs. Dietche was 42 years. old at the time and recently widowed, losing her husband Charles Dietche (b. 1848) the year before to phthisis pulmonalis (intrathoracic tuberculosis). Carl Dietche’s occupation was listed as “drummer” when he passed. As a musician in St. Louis, he was part of the theatre scene, likely why Frank and Emma met. Emma J. Dietche was born in Missouri in 1880. She had an older brother named Adolphus Dietche, born the year before her.

Tragedy struck the Thompson family in 1904 when Frank’s younger brother drowned on August 12. At the time, he was attending law school in Indianapolis, Indiana. On August 15, 1904, the “Indianapolis News” reported, “Frederick Thompson, 21, 113 Hancock ave., accidental drowning” (page 8).

By 1910, the extended Thompson Family had relocated to Chicago, with Frank, Emma and their young son Robert living in York Township. York was due west of Chicago, approximately Eleven miles farther than Oak Park Thomas G. Moses and many scenic artists lived. The census that year listed Frank as a scenic artist, living on Stewart Ave.  Emma’s mother was still living with them.

Franks’ WWI Draft Registration listed “scenic artist” and “self” as employer; this meant that he was not a full-time employee at any one studio. This does not mean that he wasn’t working at Sosman & Landis, just not a full-time staff member. At the time, his address was 2414 Ems St. Chicago, Illinois. His “place of employment or business” was listed as 19 W 20th St. Chicago. This address was a scenic studio operated by former Sosman & Landis president, Thomas G. Moses when he temporarily left the company that year. On Nov. 28, 1918, the “Chicago Tribune” posted the following want ad: “BOYS- WHO DESIRE TO LEARN SCENERY painting; good opportunity for advancement. Apply after 9 a.m. Friday. MR. MOSES, 19 W 20th St. 2d floor” (page 26). Frank’s physical description on his WWI Draft registration card was noted as medium height, medium build, brown hair and brown eyes.

The 1920 Census still listed “F W Thompson” as a s scenic artist in the theatre industry. The Thompsons were living at 2414 Colvin St., still in Chicago. At this time, Emma was listed as an office worker for a nearby dry goods store.

By 1930, the Thompsons returned to the western suburbs of Chicago. The 1930 census listed Frank, Emma, Robert and Lena living at 190 Crescent Ave. in York, Illinois. Frank was still listed as a scenic artist in the theatre industry.  Robert’s occupation was listed, “will work with his father;” he was 22 years old. I have uncovered very little information about the Thompson family during the depression, yet he continued to work as an artist.

Frank W. Thompson passed away on May 18, 1940 in Elmhurst, Illinois. Elmhurst was a short distance north from his former home of York. At the time of death, he was listed as a mural artist. He is buried in Norwood (Cook County) Illinois

Frank’s son, Robert Frank Thompson, did not enter the theatre profession or work as an artist after his father passed away. His WWII draft registration card listed his employer as the Illinois State Prison in Joliet, Illinois. At  the time Robert was still living in Elmhurst at 190 E. Crescent Ave. Robert was described as 5’-11 ½”, 135 lbs. with brown hair, brown eyes and a dark brown complexion.

To be continued….

Sosman & Landis: Shaping the Landscape of American Theatre. Employee No. 38 – Thomas “Ed” Thompson

Copyright © 2021 by Wendy Waszut-Barrett

 “Ed” Thompson and his son, Frank W. Thompson, were scenic artists at Sosman & Landis. In later years, fellow scenic artist John Hanny recalled that they specialized in Masonic scenery. This may be true as they were both at the studio during a peak period of production for Scottish Rite scenery (c. 1905-1920). I have yet to locate any Masonic affiliation for either man.

I am going to start with the life and career of the father – Thomas Edward Thompson. His name varies in historic records: Ed Thompson, Thos. Edward Thompson, T. Edward Thompson, Edward T. Thompson and Edward Thompson. Despite the name changes, it is always the same artist, with same wife, and same career.  As a young man, he went by T. Edward. As an old man, he went by Thomas E. His middle life is all mixed up; as for most, life events may prompt us to change everything, especially how our names appear in print.

Thomas E. Thompson was born on October 19, 1854 in Indianapolis, Indiana. He was the eldest child of Eli Thompson (1831-1895) and Catherine A. Weir (1837-1910). His parents were married on Dec. 31, 1853, and their first child arrived the next year. The 1870 US Federal Census listed the following members of the Thompson household: Eli Thompson (head, 39), Catharine A. Thompson (wife, 33), Edward Thompson (son, 16), Mary Thompson (daughter, 14), John Thompson (son, 12), Fannie Thompson (daughter, 9), George Thompson (son, 2) and Mary Kellin (possibly a servant). Little is known of Thompson’s early childhood, but he was the first of the children to be apprenticed in a trade. I can only surmise it was some form of decorative arts or painting.

I am going to briefly describe the patriarch of the Thompson family, Eli, in Indianapolis. It helps set the stage for Thomas E. Thompson’s home and youth. His father Eli was the son of John Thompson, one of the earliest settlers in Indianapolis. The Thompsons were a very well-respected family in the region and Eli grew to be quite a popular public figure. Starting out as a carpenter, he soon entered the lumber business. As an active leader in several local organizations, Eli soon became a city marshal and later the Chief of Police. His obituary, published on Dec. 8, 1895, in the “Indianapolis Journal,” lists many of his accomplishments. Eli even built a workshop for Thomas A. Edison when Edison was only a telegraph operator.

As Thomas E. Thompson grew to adulthood, his father became a central figure in Indianapolis society, mixing with a variety of personalities and businessmen. I am fascinated that his eldest son soon entered the theatre profession, training as a scenic artist in nearby Cincinnati.

On Feb. 5, 1876, Thomas E. married Rhonda Wright (1859-1909) in Marion County, Indiana.  Rhonda (sometimes listed as Rhoda) was the daughter of Annie Galassyre Wright and Hiram N. Wright, a blacksmith. After the Civil War, the Wrights relocated from Pennsylvania to Indiana.  By 1874, the Wright family was living in Indianapolis, the city where Rhonda would meet her future husband Thomas Edward; they two were only two years apart in age. The year after Rhonda wed “Edward,” he was officially listed in the Indianapolis City Directory as an artist. This title quickly shifted to specify “scenic artist.” From 1879 to 1881, T. Edward Thompson was listed in the Indianapolis Directory as a scenic artist, living with his in-laws at 300 Bellefontaine.

The 1880 census listed Rhonda, Edward, and their six-month-old son Frank as part of the Hiram N. Wright household, 300 Bellefontaine Street. It was obviously a home full of people and professions, with very little space or privacy. The extended family included: Hiram N. Wright (head, blacksmith, 60) Frank M. Wright (son, attorney, 32), Henry Clay Wright (son, machinist, 30), Amada J. Wright (daughter-in-law, 29), Louise M. Wright (granddaughter, 3), Josephine Wright (daughter, 23), Rhonda Thompson (daughter, 21), Edward Thompson (son-in-law, scenic artist, 26), Frank M. Thompson (grandson, 6 months), Annie Thompson (daughter, 19) and Ruth (daughter, 10). In 1882, Thomas E. and Rhonda celebrated the birth of another son, Frederick (1882-1904). It was time for the growing family to move out and get their own place.

By 1884, Thomas E. and Rhonda relocated their small family to Cincinnati where their third son was born. Hiram Henry Thompson (Sr.) arrived on February 18, 1885.  Thomas E. continued to seek employment as a scenic artist, assisting DeWitt C. Waugh at the Grand Opera House.  This is an important connection as Thompson’s future success was likely based on this two-year assistantship at the Grand Opera House. Experienced scenic artists who were associated with a particular venue often took on a series of assistants; such was the case with Thompson began working at the Grand Opera House.  Waugh became associated with Cincinnati’s  Grand Opera House in 1879, working with various assistants over the years: Frank J. Duggy was his assistant from 1880-1881;  James B. Quinn was his assistant from 1882-1883; and Thomas E. Thompson was his assistant from 1884-1885. The Cincinnati City Directory also noted that Thomas and DeWitt lived in Elmwood Place, Ohio. The 1884 and 1885 Directory listed: “Thompson, Thos. E. Thompson, ass’t scenic artist, Grand Opera House, res. Elmwood Place.”

DeWitt C. Waugh was not only a regional legend, but also a national legend; known for his incredible skill set, precision and speed. His 1894 obituary remembered, “DeWitt Clinton Waugh, widely known as one of the most capable scenic artists of later years, died at his home in Cincinnati last Tuesday afternoon and was buried Friday.  He was born at Rock Island, Illinois, almost fifty-eight years ago, coming from a family prominent as artists, his father being a painter of no little distinction, and the latter’s brother one of the best panoramic artists the country has produced, “Waugh’s Picturesque Italy” being his masterpiece.  DeWitt was apprenticed to a house and sign painter at his parent’s death, but he was afterward taken care of by his uncle the panorama painter. DeWitt crossed the plains with a caravan during the Pike’s Peak gold excitement, and failing of success in his search for gold, he became the leader of a small string band, which traveled about playing at the small mining towns. He was a fine musician, and could perform on almost any instrument. Later he became a leader of the orchestra of the first theater opened in Denver. While in that capacity need for a special scenery arose for the old play “The White Horse of the Peppers.” He remarked that he could do better than the local artist had done, was given an opportunity, made a great hit with the Denver public, and stepped into the pathway that led to fame. Wishing to enlarge his field after three or four years, he moved to Chicago. The famous Voegtlin was artist of the old Globe Theatre. After a row with the manager, Voegtlin resigned, leaving an unfinished immense “Gothic Interior.”  Mrs. Waugh, who was playing at the theater, suggested that her husband could complete it and to the surprise of all, he did it to such satisfaction that no one could tell where the great Swedish artist had quit work and the American boy begun. From that day he rose to the front rank. His great drop curtain at Robinson’s and several at the Grand in Cincinnati gained the approval of the critics and scenic artists of the country.”

DeWitt C. Waugh was also associated with Robinson’s Opera House in Cincinnati, Ohio.Cincinnati Public Library: https://digital.cincinnatilibrary.org/digital/collection/p16998coll6/id/1342/

Waugh was the perfect mentor; one who shared both skills and connections. After working for Waugh in 1884-1885, Thomas E. struck out on his own. In 1886, T. Edward Thompson was listed in the “Cincinnati City Directory” as “artist, 92 Elm, res. Elmwood Place”. Other scenic artists listed in the City Directory that year included: Waugh’s previous assistant, James Quinn; John E. Leslie at Havlin’s Theatre; and local freelance artists E. T. Harvey, John Herfurth, Emil Bazzaine, Lewis Kreyehagen, Simon Frank, and George Federle. By 1887, the Cincinnati Directory listed “Edward Thompson” as a lead scenic artist at the Grand Opera House. He was still living in Elmwood Place.

Image of the Cincinnati Grand Opera House, later destroyed by fire on January 22, 1901. Cincinnati Public Library: https://digital.cincinnatilibrary.org/digital/collection/p16998coll2/id/866/
Postcard of the Grand Opera House in Cincinnati, Ohio.

Thompson continued to work throughout the region for the remainder of the decade and by 1889 relocated to St. Louis, Missouri. There, he was listed as an artist living at 20 Centre. However, there was incredible competition in St. Louis, especially the partnership of Thomas C. Noxon and Patrick Toomey who ran Noxon & Toomey. Noxon and Toomey morphed into Albert, Noxon & Toomey at this time, adding Ernest Albert.  In 1902 the successful scenic studio became Toomey & Volland, after Hugo R. Volland entered the picture. Volland had the Masonic connections.  

Thompson E. began to diversify his trade beyond scenic art; this was similar Waugh’s approach before settling in Cincinnati. Thompson became associated with the Hagan Opera House, located at Tenth and Pine Streets in St. Louis.

The Hagan Opera House, St. Louis, Missouri. Image from the Northwestern Illinois University Digital Library: https://digital.lib.niu.edu/islandora/object/niu-twain%3A8861

Now listed as “T. Edward Thompson” in  city directories, he began managing all backstage activities for the venue. This did not mean that he stopped painting; he just gained more control and responsibilities. From 1893 to 1897, the “St. Louis City Directory” listed “Edward Thompson, stage manager, Hagan Opera House.” During this time, his home residence was located on Wyoming St.

In 1900, the Thompsons were still living at 4173 Wyoming Street in St. Louis with their two youngest sons, Fred and Hiram. Their eldest son, Frank W. Thompson, was working as a scenic artist St. Louis and living with his wife Emma at 4337 Juniata Street. Both Frank and his father remained integrally connected to the scenic art scene in the region. Frank’s younger brother Hiram (1885-1958) was also an artist, first working as a plate printer and later a commercial artist. Brother Fred (1883-1904) worked as a clerk for the Missouri Railroad and then entered law school.

The three brothers were not destined to grow old together, sharing stories of their theatrical father. After Fred Thompson entered law school in Indianapolis, he drowned at the age of 21 yrs. old in 1904. This tragic event may have been a catalyst that prompted the family to relocate to other cities. The Thomas E. moved north to Chicago where he worked at Sosman & Landis, while Frank moved to Milwaukee, initially securing employment as a sign painter.

In 1905, Ed Thompson was working for Thomas G. Moses at Sosman & Landis. Moses records that Ed Thompson worked on Old Mill Scenery for a Luna Park Project. Moses wrote, “I had to go to Cleveland to put in a lot of old mill scenery at Luna Park.  Ed Thompson went with me and J. H. Young went to do the properties and papier mâché work.  We also went to Pittsburg to do an old mill there for the same firm.  We also did two small stages in the Pittsburg Park.”

Luna Park, Cleveland, Ohio. Author’s collection.
Luna Park, Cleveland, Ohio. Author’s collection.

Thompson likely remained on staff at Sosman & Landis when work was plentiful for the firm. Sosman & Landis were notorious for cutting their staff as soon a work slowed down. In Chicago, information surrounding the life and career of Thomas E. dwindles. It is possible that scenic studio work swallowed up his name, as much art produced by a large firm seldom credits individual contributions to a project.

Thomas E. Thompson’s life and career become solely tied to census reports. A 1910 Census lists Edward Thompson living with his son Hiram and daughter-in-law Bertha “Birdie” Reichow Thompson (1887-1971). The census report noted that Hiram was a wholesale clerk and Edward was unemployed. This likely meant temporarily unemployed, yet there is no way to know if it was economic down turn, an accident, substance abuse, or something else.

Shortly after the census report, Hiram and his growing family relocated to Davenport, Iowa, and Thomas E. stayed behind in Chicago. By 1920 Hiram  was working as a commercial artist in Davenport; a career that he would continue for the remainder of his life. In 1920, their growing family included three children: Dorothy (6), Jeanette (3) and Hiram Jr. (2). Hiram’s brood remained in Davenport for at least another decade, with the 1930 Census listing Hiram’s occupation as “artist” in the “studio” industry. Hiram continued to work as a commercial artist, eventually moving back to Chicago in 1935 and on to New York by 1940. Hiram Sr. is even included in “Jacobsen’s Biographical Index of American Artists.” His son, Hiram Jr., became an assistant production manager for the Dictaphone Company, later working for the Abbott Kimball Company in Los Angeles. Artistry flowed heavily from one Thompson to another.

For Thomas E., it was a different story. The  1920 US Census listed Thomas E. Thompson living at 338 Morgan St. in Chicago. His occupation was still listed as a “painter” in the “shop” industry. As the head of a two-person household, he was listed as living with a boarder named Clara Smith. Smith was a 42-yrs. old teacher. She was still living with Thompson in 1930, both of them now residing at 69 Lexington St. in Chicago. At the time, Thompson listed his occupation as “painting” in the “scene” industry. He was still listed as the head of household, with lodger Clara Y Smith [also recorded as Clara G. Smith]. Smith was still working as a teacher.

Thomas E. Thompson died on May 15, 1931 in Chicago. He is buried at Waldheim Jewish Cemetery in Forest Park, Illinois. I have yet to locate his gravesite or any information about his cause of death.

Waldheim Jewish cemetery was founded during the second wave of Jewish immigration to Chicago in the late-19th century.  With immigrants insisting on their own Jewish cemeteries, these groups eagerly looked for a cemetery to sell its members plots in their own specially created sections. Beginning in 1870, over 280 cemetery sections representing various Chicago family groups, synagogues, vereins, landsmanshaften, and other organizations purchased sections in Waldheim Cemetery located in Forest Park, just 9 miles west of the Loop. Waldheim was unique in that, although it was one cemetery, it was comprised of 288 separate cemeteries with different owners, prices, rules, regulations and individual caretakers. Here is the link to the cemetery site:

https://jgsi.org/waldheim-cemetery

Thomas E. Thompson was buried at Waldheim Jewish Cemetery in 1931.

To be continued…

Sosman & Landis: Shaping the Landscape of American Theatre. Employee No. 37 – William L. Nutzhorn

Copyright © 2021 by Wendy Waszut-Barrett

William “Willie” Nutzhorn was a scenic artist at Sosman & Landis Scene Painting Studio for approximately two decades, from 1894 until the early 1920s. He specialized in interior settings and took numerous assistants under his wing, including Art Rider and John Hanny.

Arrow indicates William Nutzhorn in Sosman & Landis picture, identified by Nutzhorn’s one-time paint assistant John Hanny.

Born on Nov. 23, 1873 in Chicago, Illinois, he was the fourth of nine children born of Gerhard Dietrich Nutzhorn and Antonie C. Wilnes (Wilms in some accounts). The couple emigrated from Germany in 1868 with their two young daughters, Amalia (1865-1951) and Augusta (1867-1925). Amelia later married an architect (Otto Runde, 1886), and Augusta later married a musical instrument merchant (Herman Sakrzewsky, 1889). When Gerhard, Antonie, Amelia and August relocated to the United States, they first settled in Manitowoc, Wisconsin. Shortly after their arrival, they celebrated the birth of Henry B. Nutzhorn (1868-1931). The family continued on to Chicago by the early 1870s.  

Gerhard also went by Gerhart or G. D. and opened ran a grocery store, Nutzhorn & Praeger. He was naturalized on Nov. 1, 1873. By 1874, local newspapers advertised, “ G. D. Nutzhorn (formerly Nutzhorn & Praeger), wholesale and retail dealer in groceries, flour, food, and provisions, 568 and 571 Elston-av.; goods delivered to any part of the city; prices as low as the market; satisfaction guaranteed” (“Chicago Tribune,” 6 Dec, 1874, page 14). At the time, the family was living at 724 Elston Avenue. In 1875, twins were born to the couple, but neither survived infancy. More children followed, including Arthur Carl (1876-1940), Clara (1878-1942) and George (1879-1880).

In 1876, The Nutzhorn family was living right next to their business; the Nutzhorn grocery store was 725 Elston Avenue and their home address was 723 Elston Avenue. Gerhard continued to run a grocery store for the remainder of the 1870s. but by 1880 was running a saloon.

The 1880 the Federal Census listed Gerhard’s occupation as “saloon,” an occupation that continued to be listed in the Chicago Directory in 1888. It was located at 241 W. Chicago Ave.

On March 1, 1894, Gerhard passed away at the age 56 yrs. old, with his eldest son Henry becoming head of household. By 1900 the entire Nutzhorn family was living at 1075 Kimball Av. This included Henry (plumber), William (scenic artist), Arthur Carl (plumber), Clara (house work), and George (no occupation). It became obvious that William was striking out on his own in more ways than one. He was employed at Sosman & Landis as a paint boy, gradually making his way to paint assistant before securing his own palette.

On January 16, 1900, the Chicago Tribune” reported, “WOULD NOT ENFORCE THE LAW. William Nutzhorn, Being Examined for Service as a Juror, Gives an Answer that Excuses Him. “No, I don’t believe in the enforcement of the laws,” was the statement made yesterday in Judge Hutchinson’s court by William Nutzhorn, 1075 Kimbark avenue, who was being examined touching his qualification to serve as a juror in the case of James H. Bird, on trial for forgery. Mr. Nutzhorn would not qualify his answer in any way, but said he was no Anarchist. The court excused him from jury service.” This may have been a turning point for William, however, as he soon settled down somewhat.

On April 21, 1901, William married Rose Z. Stephens (1882-1918), and the two celebrated the birth of a daughter on January 10, 1905 – Clara A, Nutzhorn.

Gravestone of William Nutzhorn’s wife, Rose.

Around this same time, Art Rider became an assistant to Nutzhorn at Sosman & Landis. When Rider later left the studio to start a position at the Grand Opera House in Philadelphia, John Hanny became Nutzhorn’s new assistant; this was around 1909. Each young man started out as a paint boy, working their way up to journeyman status over the course of several years. Paint boys became assistants before receiving their own palette, projects, and pay raise. Moses records that he hired Hanny in 1906, starting him out at sixteen years old. However, Hanny first applied for the position when he was only thirteen years old in 1903.

A paint boy’s duties primarily included washing brushes, cleaning the palettes of older artists, and other odd jobs. In later years Hanny recalled, “As I look back over the years, I now realize that I have had a full and exciting life – hopefully a productive one – and have known and rubbed elbows with some wonderful generous people including Tom Moses and Wm. Nutzhorn for which I am most grateful.” Hanny greatly appreciated his training and the role of Moses at the studio, writing, “He, like Mr. Nutzhorn, was a very patient and kindly man and I shall be ever grateful for the help and the encouragement they willingly gave me” (Excerpt from Hanny letter, July 14. 1976). Many of Hanny’s statements and recollections are based on a series of interviews conducted by Dr. John Rothgeb between 1976 to 1978. At the time, his student Rand Givercier Frank was working on a B.A. Thesis entitled, “The Sosman & Landis Studio: A Study of Scene Painting in Chicago, 1900-1925” (University of Texas, Austin, 1979). Dr. Rothgeb had several students research specific topics as his continued to explore the history of scenic art in America. He conducted personal and telephone interviews with former Sosman & Landis employees, including Hanny and Art Oberbeck.

In a July 14, 1976, letter written by Hanny, he described that Nutzhorn’s trained in wood carving, so he was an expert on all styles of ornament and architecture. In Frank’s thesis, she wrote, “[Nutzhorn] made most of the designs for the so-called ‘Interior’ for the ‘sample case’ from which the selections were made by clients, and later produced in the Studio. These included what were called ‘Palaces,’ part of the equipment of most Vaudeville theaters. Aside from this he was an expert in wash water and did many floral pictures. As you may gather from this, he was a most able and accurate-exacting craftsman.” 

In 1902, Sosman & Landis delivered an interior setting delivered to the Tabor Opera House in 1902. It is very possible that the interior was painted by William Nutzhorn, when considering the time period, and Nutzhorn’s specialty of interiors. Here are a few examples of a set that was possibly painted by Nutzhorn in 1902; I documented the setting at the Tabor Opera House in February 2020.

Interior setting delivered by Sosman & Landis in 1902 tot he Elks Opera House (Tabor Opera House), possibly painted by William Nutzhorn and an assistant.
Painted detail from an interior setting possibly painted by William Nutzhorn in 1902. Tabor Opera House, Leadville, Colorado.
Painted detail from an interior setting possibly painted by William Nutzhorn in 1902. Tabor Opera House, Leadville, Colorado.

In a telephone interview with Dr. Rothgeb on September 6, 1979, Hanny described his advancement at the firm and becoming Nutzhorn’s by 1909. Hanny recalled, “Those things come by chance. Somebody dies or goes away or something and you get a chance to fill in and if you make it you stay there. That’s all.” It is hard not to think George E. Snell’s (employee # 36) passing from a freak cable car accident after work. Snell was an upcoming star at the firm; one whose death provided an open slot for another aspiring paint boy.

Before Hanny, Nutzhorn’s assistant was Arthur Rider. However, Rider had a chance to join the Opera Co. in Philadelphia, therefore opening up a position for Hanny. On July 14, 1976, Hanny recalled, “It was perhaps the most fortunate thing that ever happened to me when I was selected from the paint boy group to be his assistant and learn from a ‘pro’ the fundamentals of good craftsmanship. I was with him for three years and then assigned a palette of my own at the journeyman’s pay ($35.00 per week).” Frank surmised Hanny’s training at Sosman & Landis: “From Nutzhorn he learned to be very exact and to measure correctly, an approach to painting that he found valuable. On interior scenes it was especially important that everything be laid out carefully on each piece. If this work were not done precisely, the mouldings and baseboards would not meet when the set was assembled” (pages 80-81, based on letter received from John Hanny, July 14. 1976).

By the second decade of the twentieth century, several Sosman & Landis artists joined the Brotherhood of Scene Painters and Sign and Pictorial Painters; Nutzhorn and his assistant Hanny were part of the group to join in 1912.

In 1915 the “Chicago Directory” listed William L. Nutzhorn as an artist, living at 3412 Cortland. St. in Chicago.  A few years later, his WWI Draft Registration Card still listed his occupation as theatrical scene painter, with Sosman & Landis as his employer. At the time, Nutzhorn was described as short, with a medium build. His eyes were grey and his hair brown. This description, when combined with the 1910 studio photograph of Nutzhorn provides a pretty good picture of this talented interior painter in the early twentieth century.

Shortly after he registered  for the draft in 1918, his wife passed away that fall. Records indicate she passed on October 7 and was buried at Forest Home Cemetery on October 10. This left Nutzhorn with a teenage daughter to raise, prompting a new living situation again. By 1920, he was living with his sister Clara and brother Henry again, but this time he was listed as head of household. His brother was still a plumber and his sister managed the household. Clara A. attended high school, completing coursework until her second year.

William continued to live with his daughter, even after she reached adulthood. In 1930 the two were living at 1510 N. Mansfield Ave, with William still listed as an artist and Clara A. as a homeworker. Daughter Clara was 25-yrs. old at the time. By 1940, however, each had their own home, with William living in the Saratoga hotel on 19 Dearborn Street. He was still listed as an artist in the art industry. 

In a letter written by Mildred Nutzhorn (William’s niece) to Dr. Rothgeb in 1983, a little more information comes to light about William’s career in the 1930s. On August 26, 1983, Mildred wrote, “I’m sorry I can’t tell you too much about my uncle. I only know that he worked for the theatre during the Depression of 1933-1939 for the P.W.A. as a scenic artist. My father and I would attend several performances at the Blackstone Theatre. After that he painted ice for ice shows (Ice Follies?). My one cousin told me that he painted he mural about the proscenium of the stage at Medina Temple in Chicago ages ago when it was first built. Although I’m sure he wasn’t associated with the lodge.”

She also recalled his passing, “He wasn’t written up at his death because I attended his funeral. Here is his death date however, Dec. 1942. (69 years old). Nutzhorn passed away on Sunday, December 27, 1942 in Chicago. His sister Clara Nutzhorn preceded him in death by seven months on Feb. 28, 1942.  As indicated by his niece, Nutzhorn was laid to rest without any fanfare.  His obituary in the “Chicago Tribune” simply stated, “NUTZHORN- William Nutzhorn, suddenly, beloved father of Clara. Funeral services Wednesday, 11 a.m. at chapel. 4523 Broadway. For information Longbeach 2454” (29 Dec., 1942, page 22) He left this world in relative obscurity, his contributions to scenic art only recalled by a few individuals.

Two years prior to Nutzhorn’s passing, his daughter Clara was living on her own, working in sales. In 1940, she was listed as head of her own household and working as a saleslady, residing at 672 Sheridan Road. Clara soon changed her name to “Claire” A. Nutzhorn, and eventually became Claire Adams, dropping the Nutzhorn entirely. Keep in mind that this change occurred in the midst of WWII, and I have to wonder if antisemitic sentiment prompted the name change. I cannot help but think of the name-changing in New York City during World War II and the American documentary photographer Dorothea Margaretta Nutzhorn (1895-1965) who changed her name to Dorothea Lange.

Claire Adams passed away on Sept. 15, 1987, in Chicago. Little is known of her life.

To be continued…

Sosman & Landis: Shaping the Landscape of American Theatre. Employee No. 36 – Ralph I. Terwilliger

Copyright © 2021 by Wendy Waszut-Barrett

Ralph I. Terwilliger was a scene painter who worked for Thomas G. Moses in the late 1880s. Although their working relationship may have been short, the two remained close friends until Terwilliger’s passing in 1917.  Terwilliger worked briefly at Sosman & Landis, but set his sights far beyond laborious theatrical work.

I was surprised to encounter Ralph Terwilliger’s name while researching another Sosman & Landis employee, Leroy R. Close (1846-1901); employee #34 in this series. Close worked at Sosman & Landis from 1895 to 1901. Prior to working for the Chicago-based firm, he ran the L. R. Close & Co. in Kansas City, Missouri, from approximately 1883 until 1894. In 1894, Close relocated north and began working as a scenic artist and traveling salesman for the Chicago-based firm. Here is the link to his tale: https://drypigment.net2021/07/03/sosman-landis-shaping-the-landscape-of-american-theatre-employee-no-34-l-r-close/

Close’s story intersects with Terwilliger’s story in 1902. After Close’s passing in 1901, Miranda W. Close was appointed administratrix of the Close estate, along with Ralph Irving Terwilliger and Sarah Elizabeth Terwilliger. It was at this time that Terwilliger transitioned from the insurance business to estate management. In the end, Terwilliger really made a name for himself as a Chicago banking and real estate magnate.

A picture of Terwilliger in Moses’ scrapbook is captioned, “R. I. Terwilliger, Founder and First President of the North-West Side Commercial Association.” Nearby, Moses wrote, “Paint boy for Burridge-Moses and Louderback during the years of 1887 and 1888.” In 1910 Moses wrote, “Mr. Ralph Terwilliger was at Fox Lake – I hardly knew him.  He was President of a city bank.  He was with Burridge, Moses and Louderback as a paint boy for $4.00 per week.  He had prospered.  With his wife and two daughters he enjoys a cottage near our camp.” Fox Lake was where Palette & Chisel Club members kept a summer camp.

A clipping of Ralph I. Terwilliger was added to Thomas G. Moses’ scrapbook.

The Terwilliger family is an interesting bunch who always seemed to be in the right place at the right time. Ralph Terwilliger was born in New York on October 18, 1865. He was the son of Peter Terwilliger (1836-1926) and Sarah E. Mead (1840-1916). The family moved west after the Civil War, soon settling in Chicago. Over the course of the next few decades the Terwilligers became extremely well-known and well-respected throughout the region. Ralph’s parents were even featured in the 1894 publication, “Industrial Chicago, Vol. III” (Goodspeed Publishing Co., pages 74-75). I am including their entry here as it sets the stage for Ralph’s success in Chicago.

“Peter Terwilliger was born in New York, June 4, 1836, and after reaching man-
hood came to Illinois, locating first at Aurora, where he remained for five years, then coming to Chicago. He early learned the trade of a carpenter. He chose for his wife Miss Sarah Mead, of Orange County, N. Y., in 1865, and they have one son, Ralph, who is now a member of the firm of Terwilliger & Cox, engaged in the fire insurance business.
[Notice that Ralph left a career in the theatre with Moses to establish a fire insurance company].
Peter Terwilliger’s parents were James I. and Prudence (Knight) Terwilliger. The former was born in New York State in 1808, and died in Orange County, N. Y., in 1875. The latter was born in Sullivan County, N. Y., in 1817, and is yet living at Huguenot, Orange County, N. Y. Her ancestors, representatives of the English family of Knight, settled in Orange County, at an early day. The family of Terwilliger is of Holland Dutch extraction, and the first settlement of one of its members in this country was quite early in the colonial period of our history. Peter Terwilliger was reared and educated in Orange County, and was graduated from the Fort Edward Academy in 1855. His father was identified with the Delaware & Hudson canal, almost from its inception until nearly the end of his life, latterly a section superintendent. With this great inland improvement Peter Terwilliger was also connected for some years. In September, 1861, he enlisted in the Twentieth New York battery as first sergeant, and, after three years’ service with that organization, helped to organize the One-Hundred-and-Sixty-eighth New York infantry, and was second lieutenant of Company G, in that regiment. He served gallantly until discharged in 1865, and, from first to last, took part in many hotly-contested engagements.
He removed to Illinois in 1867, and from that time until the fall of 1871, was in the grocery trade at Aurora. In the spring of 1872 he came to Chicago, where he has since lived. He is an influential Republican and has been active in politics in Chicago since 1875.”

Growing up, Ralph watched his father transition from a grocer to salesman in the 1870s. It was during this time that he became associated with William McGregor & Co. The first mention of Ralph in the city directory is in 1887. That year he was employed as a clerk, but still living with his parents. The family home was located at 348 Hermitage Avenue in Chicago. His father Peter worked as a secretary at W. McGregor & Co.; a firm located on 55 S. Clinton Street. Something happened between 1887 and 1888 that detoured Ralph from following in his father’s footsteps.  A spark, maybe even a rebellious one, was lit and Ralph entered the scenic art profession. He moved out of his parents’ home and started a new career. This was such an exciting time in Chicago for scenic artists as work was plentiful and wages fare; a drastic departure from clerking to be sure.

By 1888, Ralph was listed in the Chicago directory as a scenic artist, now boarding at 290 W. Madison. This coincides with Moses’ mention of Ralph working for him at the studio. Moses had left Sosman & Landis to form another scenic studio with Walter W. Burridge and well-known art dealer J. D. Louderback. It had all the promise of success, but infighting between Burridge and Louderback split the firm. By the beginning of 1888, Burridge left Moses, Burridge & Louderback, reducing the name to just Moses & Louderback. Regardless of the name change, the firm’s offices remained at 214 Lake in Chicago.  Burridge returned to his former position at the Grand Opera House, leaving Moses to handle an extraordinary amount of work. The firm soon closed, and Moses returned to his old position at Sosman & Landis, likely taking Terwilliger with him for a short time. Terwilliger’s career as a scenic artist was very short-lived and by 1889, he returned home and became a bookkeeper for his father at W. McGregor & Co.

By the early 1890s Terwilliger opened a fire insurance company, Terwilliger & Cox. On August 9, 1892, Ralph married Louisa Salomon (1868-1945) and the couple celebrated the birth of two children: Louise E. (1894-1990) and Irene Beatrice (1895-1981).

In 1900 the Terwilligers were living at 232 W. Division St., with Ralph still working as an insurance agent. However, he soon added a new role as administrator of estates, hence his involvement with the L. R. Close probate case in 1902. Terwilliger’s next step was banking. On May 3, 1903, the “Chicago Tribune” announced the opening of a New State Bank. The auditor of public accounts issued a permit to organize the Mechanics Trust and Savings Bank at Chicago. The organizers were Ralph I. Terwilliger, Iver L. Quales, James Davis, Max Klee, William J. New and William A. Wiebolt, with a  capital of $200,000. Their new establishment was located on Milwaukee Ave near Paulina Street. Terwilliger’s career began to soar at this point.

On March 18, 1908, the “Chicago Tribune” mentioned Terwilliger’s involvement with the West Side Association, reporting, “20,000 Join Tax Cut Move. Landlords all over city will aid west side association. May Mean Fight in Court. Property Owners Threaten to Organize for Political Campaign. West Side Landlord’s Protective Association was joined yesterday by the Chicago Landlord’s Protective Association, an organization embracing more than 20,000 members in all parts of the city with headquarters at 232 West Division Street [232 West Division was Terwilliger’s home address]. West Side Association, which was incorporated on Monday and is made up of more than 100 Bohemian property owners in the “Pilsen” district is determined, if necessary, to carry the fight for reduced taxes into the County court. “We are glad to join any movement that will help reduce the present high taxes,” said Ralph I. Terwilliger, secretary of the Chicago Landlords’ Protective association” (page 9)

Terwilliger continued to expand his interests, and in 1911 organized the Home Bank and Trust Company with a capital of $300,000. Located at 1225 N. Ashland Ave, it was just north of Division Street. 

Neither his personal life nor health paralleled his business success. His wife passed away in 1916, with Terwilliger following the next year. He was only 52 years old at the time. Terwilliger passed away at the Biltmore Hospital in Asheville, North Carolina on August 22, 1917. Pernicious anaemia was listed as the cause of death. This condition means that body cannot absorb enough vitamin B-12 and make enough red blood cells. The condition is often classed as an autoimmune disease and symptoms may include fatigue, shortness of breath, rapid heart rate, jaundice or pallor, tingling and numbness of hands and feet, unsteadiness, bleeding gums, impaired sense of smell, and confusion. Severe or long-lasting pernicious anemia can damage the heart, brain and other organs in the body, causing problems such as nerve damage, neurological problems and digestive tract issues.

Terwilliger’s obituary in the “Chicago Examiner” reported, “Ralph I. Terwilliger, founder of the Home Bank & Trust company, Milwaukee and Ashland avenues, first president of the Northwest Side Commercial association, widely known in Chicago real estate circles, died yesterday at Biltmore, N. C., according to word received in Chicago. The Terwilliger residence is at 3104 Logan boulevard. The body will arrive tonight (Vol. 15, no. 210, page 15).

To be continued…

Sosman & Landis: Shaping the Landscape of American Theatre. Employee No. 35 – George F. Snell

Copyright © 2021 by Wendy Waszut-Barrett

George F. Snell (1873-1891) was a scenic artist at Sosman & Landis Scene Painting Studio.  Snell’s artistic career was a short one, ending tragically on November 19, 1891 after suffering severe injuries from a cable car accident. He was barely nineteen-years old.

Snell grew up in Chicago, one of four children born to Frederick B. Snell (1847- 1898) and Catherine “Kate” Kearne (b. 1846-1892). Although his grandfather worked as a Chicago blacksmith, George’s father and uncles entered the painting profession.  His parents met and married in Chicago in 1868. By 1869, Frederick was listed as a painter in the Chicago Directory, living with his wife, widowed mother, and older brother Julian. The Snell family was living at 121 ½ Superior Street. In 1870, the couple celebrated the birth of their first son, Richard L. Snell.  George was born three years later in 1873, with a sister following in 1878. It does not appear that his sister was named, or lived long after birth. George’s youngest brother, William J. Snell, arrived a decade later in 1882.

It was George’s father, Frederick B. Snell, who first entered the Chicago painting scene, well before any other member of the family. However, it remains unclear if he was working as a scenic artist, decorative painter, or both, at the time. George’s uncle, Julian Otis Snell, followed his younger brother into the painting profession after attempting an early career as a fish monger. Trading the scent of fish for animal hide glue must have been a delightful perk for the entire family. In time, George’s older brother Richard L. Snell, and Richard’s son, George, also entered the painting profession. Like his namesake, the second George F. Snell became a scenic artist.

The Snell family’s association with Sosman & Landis first came onto my radar in a random search a few years back. I was exploring various Sosman & Landis projects during the early 1890s. The tragic nature of the story prompted me to jot down the citation, noting “another S&L employee.” Here is the story of George F. Snell, as reported in newspaper accounts at the time.

On November 20, 1891, the “Chicago Tribune” reported:

“Cable Collision in Tunnel. One Man Loses a Leg and Another a Thumb – Fatal Accidents. The grip of a Lincoln avenue train broke in the La Salle street tunnel when traffic was heavy Thursday night and collided with a Clybourne avenue train. George Snell, living at 115 Locust street, who was standing on the coupling bar, was jammed between the dash boards and had his right leg crushed. His limb was amputated at the Alexian Brothers’ hospital. He is a scenic artist employed by Sosman & Landis, 236 South Clinton street. Fifteen minutes after the accident, a thumb was found in the tunnel. It belonged to Ernest Braumer of 17 East Division street, who was knocked down by another train” (page 3). The incident made regional news and was republished in the “Muscatine News-Tribune” in Iowa, “The Times Herald” of Port Huron, Michigan and “The Waukesha Daily Freeman” in Wisconsin.

A few days later on November 23, 1891, the “Chicago Tribune” reported “George Snell Dies from His Hurts.” The article continued, “Fatal Result of a Cable-Train Collision in LaSalle Street Tunnel. George Snell, No. 115 Locust street, who was badly crushed in a cable-train collision in LaSalle street tunnel Thursday night, dies at the Alexian Brothers’ Hospital Saturday night. At the time of the accident, he was standing on the coupler of a Clybourn avenue trailer, when a Lincoln avenue grip broke loose, and rushing down the incline, crashed into a trailer and crushed Mr. Snell’s right leg. He was removed to the hospital, where his leg was amputated.”

Chicago cable car line routes in 1895. From Chicago Tribune article, “Five Hundred Miles of Electric Street Railroad in Chicago,” 19 May 1895, p. 44.
Photo from http://www.encyclopedia.chicagohistory.org/pages/3752.html For more information about cable car lines in Chicago, visit http://www.cable-car-guy.com/html/ccchi.html.

The ensuing investigation by the coroner kept this tragedy in the headlines for weeks. On November 25, 1891, the “Inter Ocean” announcing, “Progressing Slowly, but little is shed on the LaSalle Street Tunnel.”  Detailed information pertaining to those involved with the accident was brought to light: “John M. Roach, Superintendent of the North Side Cable line, William B. Keep, attorney for the road, and his assistant, John R. Elley, were witnesses yesterday before the Coroner’s jury which is inquiring into the death of George Snell. Mr. Roach testified that in the wreck, in which young Snell met his death, were the cars, conductors, and gripmen here named: Lincoln avenue grip car No. 409, H. Slack, conductor and M. Galvin gripman; car No. 281, P. D. Probert, conductor; grip car No. 771, James McCurdy, conductor and D. Myers, gripman; car No. 471, E. E. Leach, conductor, and H. Menze, gripman; car No. 211, J. O’Hearn, conductor, and car No. 192, E. L. Houghton, conductor. He said that he thought that car No. 281 was smashed in the wreck. Messrs. Keep and Elley refused to testify. They alleged that all they knew of the cases had been told to them by their clients, whom they could not betray. Mr. Keep also intimated that the jury had its verdict already before the witness had to be examined. There being no other witnesses before the jury, an adjournment was taken until 9 o’clock this morning to give time to subpoena the witnesses named by Superintendent Roach” (page 5).

On November 26, 1891, the “Chicago Tribune” reported, “After two full hours deliberation over the evidence, the Coroner’s jury in the Snell inquest returned the following verdict late yesterday afternoon.”

The article headline announced:

“WHERE BLAME LIES.

Verdict of the Coroner’s Jury in the Snell Case.

CENSURE FOR THE ROAD.

North Side Cable Company Held to Be Responsible.

SUGGESTIONS FOR ALDERMEN.

Many Recommendations Made to the City Council.

EVIDENCE HEARD AT THE INQUEST.

Summarizing the Coroner’s Jury outcome, the article reported, “The deceased came to his death at the Alexian Brother’s Hospital Nov. 21 from shock and hemorrhage caused by injuries received by being run over by grip-car No. 409, belonging to the North Chicago Street railway company, in the LaSalle street tunnel Nov. 21, 1891.

We, the jury, find the evidence that deceased was knocked over the dashboard of trailer car No. 281, said trailer-car being attached to grip No. 409. The cause of deceased being knocked over the dashboard was due to the brakes and grips of some of the cars ahead of grip-car No. 409 being out of order and not in good working condition and not fit to run on the incline of LaSalle street tunnel, where said cars could not be held stationary on the incline, and they rolled back and crashed into the train upon which deceased was a passenger.

And in view of the above facts, we cannot too severely censure the said company for gross negligence, and we hold it responsible for deceased death.

And we recommend that the City Council take immediate action and pass a stringent ordinance compelling street railway companies to better protect the lives of passengers by the following method – to wit:

That grip cars shall be closed on both sides, leaving a small entrance, so that it would prevent people from standing on the side-steps of cars; and that dashboards be made higher, and that men be compelled to be at brakes while running through the tunnels; that each car be provided with a block to stop cars on the inclines, in case the brakes fail to work, and that it be made a penal offense to allow any person to stand on platforms of cars.

After witnesses.

Deputy Coroner Monaghan yesterday resumed the inquest upon the remains of George Snell, the victim of the tunnel accident of Thursday night. He had spent many hours endeavoring to find witnesses, trainmen and railway employees who knew anything about the accident except by published rep[orts. His quest had been all but vain, and that in the face of the promise of Supt. Roach to do everything in his power to assist in finding important witnesses.

“The company’s assistance was all a farce, “ he remarked to Attorney Foster as he surveyed the half dozen witnesses, he had been able to get together. “Instead of assisting me, the company has done everything under the sun to make my work impossible.”

Peter Stromberg, the boss of the wrecking crew, was first put on the stand. His story was, in effect, that a Lincoln-Wells train struck at the mouth of the tunnel on account of a broken grip. He endeavored to pull it out with a train, but failed; so, telling the conductor to uncouple the trailer, he made another effort to get the grip up the grade. For some reason the trailer brakes did not work, and the car started down the incline. It collided with a Clybourn avenue grip and both ran down the incline. Halfway up the slope there was a Lincoln and Clark train. The Clybourn train crashed into this one and bore down to the foot of the tunnel where it collided with another train. There must have been trouble with the brakes, he said, for they did not control the cars. The witness had heard the gripman of the Clybourn avenue car say that a bolt was loose in his cable shoe and that he could not hold the rope. Stromberg was altogether innocent of any information about Snell.

Stories of Other Witnesses.

John Larson, a member of the wrecking crew, had forgotten all he ever knew about the accident. Ole Bartels confessed on the stand that he had supposed he was subpoenaed to testify about the murder of A. J. Snell and professed ignorance of the matter in point. E. L. Crawford, assistant barn boss at the limits barn, admitted that the report of the accident passed through his hands, but he did not read it.

Michael Garvin, gripman of car No. 409, said he saw the conductor lift Snell from under the wheels, but knew nothing of the manner in which he received his injuries. W. H. Slack, the conductor of car No. 409, testified that took Snell from under the wheels but did not see him fall.

Ernest Broms, who lost a thumb in the collision. Was placed on the stand, but his knowledge of the affair was rather cloudy.

In the afternoon John T. Finn, and East Chicago policeman, gave the substance of Snell’s ante-mortem statement, which was made in the presence of doctors and others at the hospital. It was in substance that Snell was standing on the front platform of a Lincoln avenue trailer and that the collision threw him over the dash-board under the wheels. Deputy Monaghan at this point informed the jury that he would secure other witnesses if it was deemed necessary, but the jury, after consultation, announced that it was satisfied that deliberation upon the testimony already given would enable it to formulate a verdict and the case rested” (page 1).

The Coroner and the Snell family continued to fight the railway company. On Dec, 6, 1891, the “Chicago Tribune” reported, “Coroner Hertz sent a communication to State’s-Attorney Longenecker yesterday which may result in getting President Yerkes into trouble. It was in regard to the George Snell case.  The Coroner told the State’s-Attorney that he respectfully submitted for his consideration the verdict of the Coroner’s Jury in the Snell case. “In part,” he wrote, “the jury said: ‘We cannot too severely censure the North Chicago Street railway company for gross negligence and hold the company responsible for the death pf the deceased.’”

“Did you send the letter for the purpose of having the State’s-Attorney bring the case before the grand jury?”

“I simply wanted the State’s-Attorney to know what the Coroner’s jury thought of the case and the company’s responsibility for the death of Snell. It would not be becoming to remind a public officer of his duty. I think the State’s-Attorney knows what his duty his duty is and will perform it in this case.”

The Coroner thinks that Mr. Yerkes can be tried criminally for the death of George Snell and bases his opinion on Sec. 48 of the Criminal Code entitled, “Criminal Carelessness.” This section in effect says that whoever has control or management of a public conveyance used for the common carriages of persons and is guilty of gross carelessness or neglect whereby the safety of any person shall be endangered shall be imprisoned not longer than three years, or be fined not more than $5,000 or both. [$5,000 in 1891 is equivalent in purchasing power to $150,719.78 in 2021].

State’s-Attorney Longenecker said he received the Coroner Hertz’ communication and that if upon investigation he found grounds for an indictment he would place the matter in the hands of the grand jury. “However,” he continued, “the Coroner does not lay the blame upon anyone. If it is as the jury states that there was gross negligence it should have been found out by the person or persons were – whether Mr. Yerkes or some of his employees – and held them to the grand jury. Then it would have been imperative for the grand jury to take action. But, as I said, I will look over the evidence and if there is ground for an indictment the matter will be taken up by the grand jury.”

Two days later on Dec. 8, the “Chicago Tribune” reported, “State’s-Attorney Longenecker sent to Coroner Hertz yesterday for the evidence in the case of George Snell, who was killed in the LaSalle street tunnel a few weeks ago. Mr. Longenecker says that someone is undoubtedly responsible for the death of Snell, and he wants to find out who it is if possible” (page 7).

Meanwhile, the estate of George Snell entered probate. On December 17, 1891, Snell’s parents, Frederick B. and Kate Snell, were listed in probate records with the State of Illinois. George’s uncle, Julian O. Snell, was appointed the administrator of his nephew’s estate. The entire extended Snell family was still living and mourning together under one roof.

On January 5, 1892, an announcement appeared under “Court Notes”: “Julian O. Snell, as administrator of the estate of George E. Snell, sued the North Chicago Railway Company for $5,000” (page 12). That same day, the “Chicago Tribune” announced, “Julian C. Snell as administrator of the estate of George E. Snell sued the North Chicago railway company for $5,000 damages. George Snell was the man who was killed in the La Salle street tunnel and in learning the circumstances of whose death the Coroner had so much trouble with the street railway officers” (page 10).

On Dec. 16, 1894, the “Chicago Tribune” announced the judgement in the Superior and Circuits Courts Sections: “JUDGE FREEMAN – 2,752 – Julian O. Snell, admr. estate of George F. Snell vs. North Chicago St. R. R. Co.; on ver., $3,500; appld.” [$3,500 in 1892 is the equivalent purchasing power to about $105,503.85 in 2021].

I have yet to locate any other information pertaining to the George Snell case, or if the family ever received anything from the railway company. Regardless, the Snell family continued in the painting business. By 1910, Julian was listed as a decorator, running his own business, and now living with his nephew’s family on Locust street in Chicago. His nephew, Richard L. Snell was also listed as a painter and running his own business. Richard’s youngest son, George F. (George F. Snell’s namesake), was working as a scenic artist in the theatre industry.  

Uncle Julian lived until 1930. At the time of his passing, his occupation was listed as a stage manager. On January 23, 1930, the “Chicago Tribune” reported, “SNELL – Julian O. Jan 21. 1930, of 3736 Clifton ave., uncle of Richard L. Snell. Funeral services at chapel, 2701 N. Clark St. Thursday at 3 p.m. Interment Graceland” (page 14).

To be continued…

Historic Stage Scenery Restoration 101: Planning the Project.

Copyright © 2021 by Wendy Waszut-Barrett

On September 9, 2020, I published an article entitled “Maintaining and Restoring Historic Drops: How to Plan and What Not To Do.” This article was the result of several requests to share my restoration techniques with various scenic art groups.

It is time to share a revised version of the post as part of a my new series – Historic Stage Scenery Restoration 101. These articles will examine a variety of preservation methods for historic scenery. It will also highlight inappropriate materials and techniques; processes that can ultimately destroy culturally significant stage artifacts.

I am frequently asked about historic scenery maintenance and restoration techniques, with many suggesting I publish some form of manual. Unfortunately, there is no standard way to restore all historic backdrops, cut drops, leg drops, roll drops, borders, wings or shutters. Each one is different, demanding a custom approach based upon a unique set of criteria identified during the preliminary research phase.

Artistic provenance is key in determining a preservation strategy.

Extensive research must be completed prior to proposing a plan for the handling, cleaning, and repair of any large-scale artwork for the stage. Certain questions must be answered in advance: who manufactured the scenery, when was the scenery manufactured, and where was the scenery manufactured? It is also important to identify the original client and use. The answers to these questions are critical in determining the preservation strategy for individual drops or entire collections. These answers also prompt a subsequent series of questions regarding appropriate materials, techniques, processes, timelines, future display and overall use. Is this historic scene intended for display in a theater, or will it simply hang on a wall? How often will the scenery be used, if at all?  The answers to these basic questions help formulate a plan.

In addition to understanding an artifact’s artistic provenance, all stakeholders must understand that certain materials and techniques will destroy historic stage scenery. I will explain what not to do, based on examples of poor repairs that I have encountered in the past.  There are specific materials and techniques that should never be used on historic scenery or fragile fabrics, as they cause irreparable harm and can destroy a significant piece of theatre history.

It is very important to understand that contemporary scene painting is a dramatic departure from historic scene painting, specifically in terms of fabrics, painting products and artistic techniques. So much has changed over the past century. Historic scenic art is foreign ground for many contemporary scene painters, especially as certain types of training and materials have vanished from most college curricula and theatre apprenticeships. Just because one is a scenic artist does not make them qualified to restore historic paintings; the two are worlds apart. In other words, an ability to paint historic scenes doesn’t mean you should repair historic stage scenery. Similarly, a fine art conservator is not necessarily qualified to assess and propose the preservation or acceptable display of historic stage scenery. It is a fine line to walk, and there is not always a straight path from point A to point B.

The perception of historic scenery must always consider its original purpose. Everything becomes complicated when historic stage settings are solely perceived as fine artworks. For many art historians and conservators, stage scenery is simply considered a large-scale painting. Yet it is radically different from artworks that hang on a gallery wall. A stationary painting in a museum is viewed under fixed lighting. Such is not the case with historic scenery for the stage; it is part of a whole. Few individuals outside of the theatre industry understand the true metamorphic quality of scenic art, specifically how it partners with stage lighting systems. Scenic art, regardless its age, remains part of an interactive art form intended to withstand the handling of many. Scenic shifts are necessary in many productions. This means that standard conservation techniques do not always work for historic stage scenery, as they cannot withhold the demands of a scene change.

When stage scenery is identified as fine art, many methods selected for repair and preservation are based on traditional methods employed in art conservation, not those familiar with theatre history or stage technology. Therefore, the conservation of each drop follows strict conservation guidelines without considering the function. Accepted conservation practices are not always appropriate for the stage. Many art conservation materials are solvent based, posing fire threats as accelerants.

The first step in any scenery restoration project starts with research. You need to establish the artistic provenance of a stage artifact or scenery collection, and here are the questions that you need to ask, and why you need to ask them

1. ESTABLISHING ARTISTIC PROVENANCE

WHO made it? Is it a backdrop painted on cotton sheeting by a student for a class play in the 1920s, or is it a drop curtain constructed of Russian linen and painted by an internationally recognized artist in the 1890s?  The manufacturer of a scenic piece matters, as it is integrally tied to the painting process and materials.

Many nineteenth-century and early-twentieth-century American scenic artists attended art institutes, at home and abroad. In many cases, fine art studies were completed in addition to a lengthy apprenticeship at a professional scenic studio before striking out on one’s own.  American scenic artists at this time were members of fine art organizations across the country, and much of their work continues to be treasured in the fine art world. For example, some scenic artists in the east belonged to the Salmagundi Club and/or Rochester Art Club.  In the midwestern states, scenic artists studied at the Chicago Institute of Art, joining unique groups, such as the Palette & Chisel Club. In the west, scenic artists belonged to a variety of fine art organizations established in the Pacific North West, California, New Mexico and elsewhere. Theatrical scenery created by scenic artists should not be considered any less significant than their smaller fine art pieces. Large scale works provided generations of artists with opportunities to explore color theory, painting techniques, compositional lay outs and lighting conditions.  Theatre scenery offered artists and opportunity to create a unique installation that was interactive. That being said, there were many amateur artists producing scenery; their work is easily identifiable, yet remains culturally significant too.

Regardless of skill level and/or final product, the terms “old backdrops,” “old backings for the stage,” and “old scenery” devalues stage art. Instead, refer to historic scenery as “large-scale artworks for the stage” painted by local, regional, national, or internationally recognized fine artists. Public perception is crucial when preserving theatrical heritage. Your terminology could save a piece of American theatre history, or world history.

            WHEN was the artifact manufactured? The year, decade, and/or century that the theatrical scene was produced helps identify the type of fabric, paint, and painting process.  Knowing the age of a scene helps identify various materials, especially the fabric and basic construction techniques. Fabric seams, whether vertical or horizontal, can also identify a particular era and studio. How the drop is suspended and operated also matters. Are there sandwich battens, rollers, jute webbing, or something else at the top and bottom of the scene? Is there a counterweight system with arbors or a pin rail with sandbags? Keep in mind that the overall suspension affects the deterioration of both the fabric and painted composition. Understanding the original materials and display are crucial in identifying and locating appropriate and compatible materials for any repair.

            WHERE was the artifact manufactured? Location can help identify a specific construction and painting process. Certain regions adopted unique approaches to scenic art, often based upon the influx of immigrants. Scenic art in the United States began as a large melting pot of languages, traditions and techniques, with two dominant approaches emerging between 1850 and 1900. At this time American scenic artists primarily worked with opaque washes, thin glazes, and later a combination of the two. These artistic influences are still recognizable today across the country. For more information, read my article, “American Scenic Art: The Immigrant Contribution,” in TheatreInitiative Berlin’s Die Vierte Wand #110. It is available for online at https://archive.org/details/itheam_d4w-010_202009. Here is the a link to the pdf: https://issuu.com/itheam/docs/itheam_d4w-010.

Throughout the twentieth century American scenic art continued to change, incorporating new products and methods over the years. As an industry, many American scenic artists shifted from painting on vertical frames to the continental method (painting on the floor). A backdrop painted in 1920 and another painted in 1940 may seem light years apart when examining construction, materials, and painting techniques. When planning scenic repairs or complete restorations, one must intimately understand the entire scope of painting methodologies, traditional materials and historical techniques, as well as contemporary products to avoid.

Restoration is for the long term. Unlike the ephemeral nature of contemporary scenery for a short-run show, certain materials and techniques to repair historic scenery should be avoided. Use common sense and think of the big picture; one beyond a quick repair. The results from this project should outlive you and almost always remain reversible. That being said, stage settings are not fine art, created for a stationary place on a gallery wall. Your ultimate goal is to not permanently alter the artifact, but preserve it for continued use. Contemporary methods to patch and repair modern drops are seldom an option for historic ones. Likewise, contemporary methods for fine art conservation are not always appropriate for the theatrical stage. Let’s start with inappropriate fabric repairs.

Below is a list of specific materials and techniques that should never be used on historic scenery.

Metal: Sheet metal is never an option to patch fabric. The weight and sharp edges pose a threat and the rivets puncture the fabric.

Metal repair on historic scenery used by the Quincy Scottish Rite.

Plaster: Plaster on fabric adds too much weight and the painted composition will stretch an irreparable amount.

Plaster repair on historic scenery used by the Grand Forks Scottish Rite.

Hot Melt Glue: This product embeds itself in the fibers and is irreversible, while adding unnecessary weight to the area. Hot melt glue should never be considered when repairing fragile fabrics or historic scenery. It is also an accelerant, posing a fire hazard.

Hot melt glue used to attach netting on historic scenery once used at the Fort Scott Scottish Rite.

Wood Glue: This product is too brittle to use on soft goods. It was also never intended for fabric; it’s for wood.

Wood glue repair on historic scenery, once used by the Richmond Scottish Rite.

Wood Putty: This product was never intended for use on fabric. Again, it is for wood and too rigid for repairs.

Masonite: The weight of any wood or composite material glued to the back of drop or flat causes stress and will irreparably stretch the surrounding area.

Masonite repair on historic scenery once used by the Wichita Scottish Rite.

Contact Cement: This is an irreversible and a solvent-based product that should not be used on historic scenery. It poses a fire hazard.

Contact cement used to attached wood stiffeners on historic scenery, once used by the Wichita Scottish Rite.

Flexible Foam: This product should not be glued to historic scenery at all.

Flexible foam repair on historic scenery used by the Cheyenne Scottish Rite.

BEVA 371: This conservation adhesive, sold as either a liquid or clear film, is extremely flammable. Although the product is recommended for the repair of fine art paintings, it should never be considered an option for stage scenery. This product is a fire accelerant and will be presented in detail at a later time.

BEVA 371 film is extremely flammable.

Plastic: Plastic should never pair with historic or fragile fabric for many reasons. In regard to plastic netting, the rigidity will harm the fabric. Look for all-natural cotton fabrics and nettings.

Plastic pipe pocket added to a historic scene used by the Louisville Scottish Rite.

There is another type of repair frequently suggested for historic scenery collections -replacing traditional sandwich battens with pipe pockets on the bottom and jute webbing on the top. What appears to be a reasonable solution introduces a weakness to the historic fabric and it will fail. Over time the stitching will act like a perforated page, eventually tearing off. This topic will also be discussed in detail at a later time.

Pipe pockets that replaced wood battens on historic scenery once used by the St. Louis Scottish Rite. Pipe pockets will ultimately fail.

It is extremely important to understand painted illusion for the historic stage, whether eighteenth-century, nineteenth-century or twentieth-century. The necessary skill set for successful scenery restoration is more than a combination of product knowledge and artistic experience. You must understand not only the traditional methods and materials, but also all of the historical processes and how each artifact was a product of a specific time period. In other words, it is a complex combination of historical research and innate talent. Painted illusion was used in a variety of venues, including theaters, opera houses, cinemas, music academies, city halls, schools, lodge rooms, armories, coliseums, and hippodromes. None of it was intended to be viewed up close, or on a museum wall under fixed lighting.  

Leg drop, cut drop and backdrop by Sosman & Landis Scene Painting Studio for the Scottish Rite Theatre in Santa Fe, New Mexico, 1912.

Many extant backdrops were produced as part of a set, a combination of backdrops, cut drop, and leg drops, or shutters, roll drops, wings and borders. Flat profile pieces were added for painted dimension in each case. Furthermore, painted grand teasers and tormentors were often permanently positioned within the proscenium opening to frame these painted settings.  The level of detail for each stage artifact also shifted as the scenes ranged from upstage to downstage positions.

Before you decide to formulate a maintenance plan or the restoration of any historic scenery collection, you must identify its placement with in theater history or popular entertainment; past materials, techniques, stage systems and venues inform any future repairs. Choosing the appropriate path is akin to the saying, “measure twice, cut once.”

In almost every case you have only one opportunity to do this right.

Travels of a Scenic Artist and Scholar: Restoring the Brown Grand Theatre Drop Curtain, Day 7.


Copyright © 2021 by Wendy Waszut-Barrett

Sunday was my final day of work at the Brown Grand Theatre in Concordia, Kansas. Over the course of seven days cleaned, repaired, consolidated loose paint, in painted, reinforced the seams, and replaced the entire top of the drop curtain with new fabric and batten. I also cleaned, consolidated loose painted, and repaired the matching grand border. Initially, this project was a pretty straightforward repair and touch-up job that was going to take five full days. However, it morphed into a “replace the entire top of the drop curtain and reinforce the seams.”  It tacked on an extra two days to the project, so was my last chance to finish everything last night before I left town today. Concordia is a nine-hour drive from my home in Minnesota.

Constructed a PVC roller for the bottom of the drop; this will solely to help reposition the piece for hanging.  An extremely thick layer of original primer and paint makes the composition extremely fragile and subject to cracking. All that was available was available for a quick roller was ten-foot sections of 4” PVC. We purchased four sections and five connectors. The last two connectors were added to the ends,  as it lifts the tubes up, and the fabric is able to adjust during the rolling, preventing wrinkles that sometimes occur.

Roller to help shift drop curing hanging.
Test run to make sure that roller would easily roll,

I positioned the assembled roller and did a dry run to make sure it would work. I wanted to verify that the paint didn’t crack when being wrapped around the diameter.  Rolling would occur Monday morning, as it has been extremely humid and I wanted to make sure that everything was really dry.

My next task was to attach the new top batten, made by local theatre volunteer Royce.  The battens were beautiful. As the drop is out of square, I referenced painted detail (bottom of the frame).  Just as they used to attach battens: I started out with nailing the back of the batten to the stage floor. This keeps the boards straight and in position as I attached fabric. I was also able to work out a few warps this way too. Then I attached the top of the fabric to the back batten, stapling every six inches; no, there were no tacks available.  I placed the front batten, sandwiching the fabric, with screws every foot, staggered. After everything was all set, I pried up the top batten and hammered over the nails. Voila! It was all set to go. The holes for suspension will be drilled when it is hung next Friday.

Attaching the back part of the batten.
Complete top sandwich batten.

I then returned to both in-painting and paint consolidation on the drop curtain. I worked on the drop until there were too many wet areas and then shifted to the grand border – about 2PM. After cleaning the piece, I patched and replaced a missing grommet at the top. Then I was able to focus my attention on both the green drapes for the drop curtain and grand border.

New top batten on drop curtain and matching grand border curtain.

I finished up at 7PM and headed back to my hotel for the Board Meeting via. Zoom. I created a power point to show details of the work that occurred over the week and answered questions.  The daily posts of this project were primarily for the Board of Directors to follow the progress, without stopping by during the day.

The Restored Napoleon Drop Curtain.
View of matching grand border curtain and new trop of drop curtain.

This morning after checking out of my hotel, I stop by the theater, roll the drop, load up my supplies and head home.  On my way home, I am stopping by the Blair Theatre in Bellville, Kansas to see their 1928 theater; Belleville is due north of Concordia.

Travels of a Scenic Artist and Scholar: Restoring the Brown Grand Theatre Drop Curtain, Day 6.

Copyright © 2021 by Wendy Waszut-Barrett

The three horizontal seams on the Napoleon Drop Curtain at the Brown Grand Theatre were separating; the thread completely failing, leaving gaping holes in the painted composition.  Each needed to be reinforced prior to hanging.

There are three seams on the Brown Grand Theatre Napoleon Drop Curtain.
Damaged area on the seam.

Although this is not a common occurrence, I have encountered it before on historic scenery at Scottish Rite theaters in Milwaukee, Wisconsin, and Pasadena, California.

My past work reinforcing the top, bottom, and vertical seams on a backdrop at the Pasadena Scottish Rite.

In each case, the historic scenery was treated at least twice with flame retardants, possibly more. I have noticed that when some historic drops are re-treated with a secondary type of flame retardant, a chemical reaction occurs, causing the fabric to become stained and brittle.  Not only will the fabric deteriorate, but the paint will actually begin to flake off. Such is the case with the Napoleon Drop Curtain.

Brown staining on the back of the Napoleon Drop Curtain from flame retardant, c. 1978-1979.
Staining from multiple applications from flame retardants. Backdrop at the Pasadena Scottish Rite Theatre, c. 1902.
Damaged area on the seam. Backdrop at the Pasadena Scottish Rite Theatre, c. 1902.

We know for certain that the Napoleon Drop Curtain was treated with a flame retardant as the back clearly states “Flame Proofed”– twice. It is possible that an overly strong solution was applied to begin with, or that a secondary application was added over the years. Some fire marshals will demand that historic scenery be treated ever few years; they have no idea that this will destroy historic scenes.

Flame Proofed stencil on the Napoleon Drop Curtain at the Brown Grand Theatre in Concordia, Kansas.

In regard to the failing seams on the Napoleon Drop Curtain, the only remedy is to reinforce them, thus preventing the further separation of the fabric panels. I reinforced one seam earlier this week as a test sample. This was to make sure that I could manipulate the drop, as well as verifying the strength of the glue and width of the necessary patch. Today I realized that all of the seams were different widths.

The narrowest areas of a seam on the Napoleon Drop Curtain measure 1/4″.
The narrowest areas of a seam on the Napoleon Drop Curtain measure almost 1 1/2″.
Reinforced seam. Note how the width of the seam varies beneath reinforcement strip.

There are two factors accelerating the overall deterioration of the painted surface on the Napoleon Drop Curtain: flame retardant and primer. The primary issue is that the pigment has begun to separate from the primer. Saturating areas with an extremely diluted hide glue has helped some. However, I have been hesitant to treat any areas that were not dusting. My hesitation stems from the overall thickness of the combined primer and paint layers. I have actually never encountered such a thick layer of dry pigment paint on an entire drop before, and the added weight to the fabric is quite something.

Paint that has flaked off of the Napoleon Drop Curtain, revealing the white prime coat beneath.

The weight makes the drop difficult to shift. This drop is incredibly heavy, and it has nothing to do with the actual fabric. The weight comes from the paint. This excess weight is also taking a toll on the fragile fabric. Typically, I am able to easily move a drop once it is on the stage floor. Keep in mind that the drop is on plastic, so it should easily slide in any direction that I want it to go; I just have to get a little air under the drop and it should readily move. The easiest way I can describe this process is playing with a parachute in gym class. Giving a little flip to the edge gets air under the fabric, lifts it up, and helps move the entire drop. When it is airborne, you guide the direction of where the drop will land. Usually, I can do this by myself with very little effort, but not the Napoleon drop curtain.  It took two of use today to shift the drop.

After all three seams were reinforced on the Napoleon Drop Curtain.

The drop curtain was flipped face side down to reinforce the two remaining seams.  This was not an easy task. When we flipped the drop face up again, I just about burst into tears. There were entirely new areas of damage to the painted composition. This time the damage was in vertical lines running down one area of the drop. I could not believe my eyes.For the life of me, I could not figure out why there was vertical damage, and not horizontal.

An example of vertical damage that occurred when flipping the drop. Notice previously stabilized horizontal cracks.
Detail of damage that occurred after the Napoleon Drop Curtain was flipped painted side up.

There is that moment of stunned silence when I find myself at a loss. Then my brain goes into overtime, trying to process what has happened and what this means for the rest of the restoration and hanging process.  I thought of all of the obstacles that will occur when it is hung from the pipe and raised.  I needed to come up with a process to minimize any further damage during handling and hanging.

When I was patching four horizontal tears on the the backside of the drop, I noticed a vertical crease running though an entire fabric panel. At the time, I could not imagine was caused it. This flaw was original to the creation of the drop and not recent. It is now contributing to the paint separation, as are other areas with fabric flaws.

Flaw in the fabric on the back of the drop that I noticed while patching. This is one of the areas where a vertical line appeared when he drop was flipped over.
Damage to the fabric near the flaw.

Here is my plan for today:

When the paint restoration is completed it will need to dry overnight. Despite the air conditioning, an abundance of rain this week has not helped lower humidity levels or dry time. Early Monday morning, I will roll the drop onto a tube. Due to limited time and supplies, I am forced to use fabric-wrapped PVC tubes. This in itself is incredibly tricky, as old drops seldom easily roll without creases. The new top batten will already be attached and ready to go. The idea is that the drop will be slowly unrolled as it is lifted; a time-consuming process, as it will need many hands gently unrolling the drop. Once suspended, and the lines leveled (hemp system), the bottom batten will be added.  Attaching the bottom batten is pretty straight forward as the original lines are still visible. This is an original batten, by the way. The problem is that I will not be there for the actual hanging, scheduled next Friday.

How the drop responded during handling does not bode well for the overall longevity of this piece. 

I was recently asked how long the restored drop could last. Considering the deteriorated fabric and flaking, I explained that it could possibly last for another forty, or even fifty, years. However, at some point it will need a backing piece, one that covers and supports everything.  That is always a last resort and should be delayed as long as possible. The repairs to the back will cause a huge problem during the backing process.  The added thickness and weight will also become problematic. After seeing the vertical lines today, I don’t know if it will last more than a few decades now, especially when I start factoring in the humidity and heat in Kansas. Temperatures on the stage greatly vary.

I have been restoring historic scenery for quite some time. There are always wildcards that you can’t anticipate, but this one is really unique. For a drop painted in 1978, this should be in much better shape. There is just so much paint on the fabric. The seams will hold, but it is impossible to determine when the actual fabric will give way.  I say this, having handled drops three times the age of this one, with absolute confidence that they had several decades left in them. 

The thickness of a paint layer ultimately determines the lifetime of a backdrop.  The seaming matters too. Over time, I have noticed that vertical seams support the weight of bottom battens better than horizontal seams.

To be continued…

Travels of a Scenic Artist and Scholar: Concordia KNCK Radio Interview

On September 17, 2021, I was interviewed by Tony at KNCK Radio. He asked a variety of questions my current scenery restoration project at the Brown Grand Theatre in Concordia, Kansas. Here is the link to the interview:

https://www.ncktoday.com/local/restoring-brown-grand-theatre-drop-curtain?fbclid=IwAR0bRDrO10dzvP4-HTC8bdCkbwS9hCcsToBrZQJAmX900Jmk8BceBKCsUkg#.YUSaa5N0-O0.facebook

Article with interview snippets. Concordia KNCK Radio.