In 1916, Thomas G. Moses wrote, “The Oak Park Theatre gave
me $825.00 contract for vaudeville scenery.”
The Oak Park Theatre opened on October 20, 1913 and was a
combination house, featuring both live vaudeville acts and silent films. Their
advertisements promised continuous high-class vaudeville and first run motion
pictures. Vaudeville acts for the venue were booked by Jones, Linick &
Schaefer, the same firm that handled entertainment for McVickers Theatre, the
Colonial Theatre, the Wilson Theatre and many others around Chicago.
Of the Oak Park Theatre, the “Historical American Building
Survey” suggested that there was architectural evidence that the building was
greatly enlarged in 1915. This coincides
with Sosman & Landis delivering new vaudeville scenery in 1916; new scenery
would have been ordered during the renovation. The original building structure
had a footprint of 67 feet by 112 feet; the enlarged size after 1915 was 67
feet by 168 feet.
The Oak Park Theatre was located on Wisconsin Street, but
the address later changed to 120 S. Marion Street. The venue was at the heart
of Oak Park’s entertainment district and near Moses’ home. Many scenic artists
and architects settled in Oak Park. The benefit to Oak Park residents was
living a short train ride away from downtown Chicago.
There were three theaters in close proximately to one
another– Oak Park’s Warrington Opera House (1902 stock theatre), the Oak Park
Playhouse (1913 combination house) and the Oak Park Theatre (1913 combination
house). The 800-seat Oak Park Theatre was adjacent to the Warrington Opera
House, and promised “perfect ventilation.” This meant that the auditorium air
was changed every ten minutes. In addition to many “fireproof” features, each
seat boasted a “perfect view of the stage.”
In 1917, the “Chicago Eagle” reported, “Lubliner & Trinz” owned and operated the following high class theaters all over the city: Artcraft Theatre at Devon and Clark Streets, Biograph Theatre at 2433 Lincoln Ave, Covent Garden Theatre at 2655 North Clark Street, Knickerbocker Theatre at 6225 Broadway, Michigan Theatre at 55th and Michigan Boulevard, Paramount Theatre at 2648 Milwaukee Ave., Vitagraph Theatre at 3133 Lincoln Ave, West End Theatre, at No. Cicero and West End Avenues, and the Oak Park Theatre in Oak, Park, Illinois (22 Dec. 1917, page 7). Lubliner & Trinz was operated by Harry M. Lubliner and Joseph Trinz, whose offices were at 510 Westminster Building.
In 1930, the Oak Park Theatre was remodeled and renamed the
Lamar Theater. The marquee was added in 1929, the lobby remodeled in 1930 and
the stairs relocated in 1936.The new name reflected its location on Lake Street
and South Marion Street. Now advertisements forcused on “truly perfect sound”
in this “new wonder talkie theatre.” Unfortunately, this Art Deco theater has
did not last and was razed in 1988.
The Oak Park Theatre was later named the Lamar Theatre.The Oak Park Theatre was later named the Lamar Theatre. Image posted at cinemareasures.org. Here is the link: http://cinematreasures.org/theaters/2641
In 1916 Sosman & Landis delivered a picture setting to
Indianapolis’ Strand Theatre. The studio took out an advertisement in the
“Indianapolis Star” when the theater opened, announcing, “Designed, built and
painted the elaborate picture setting for the new Strand Theatre listing their
contribution. In 1916, studio president Thomas G. Moses recorded projects for
picture sets in Fort Wayne, Indiana, and Pittsburg, Pennsylvania, too. The
first picture set mentioned by Moses at all in his diaries was during 1915; a
$1500 picture set for Fred Ingersoll in Detroit, Michigan. Here is the link for
that post: https://drypigment.net2020/01/17/tales-from-a-scenic-artist-and-scholar-part-904-thomas-g-moses-and-frederick-ingersoll-1915/
The term “picture set,” or “picture setting,” had two
meanings at the time. The first identified the painted scenery (leg drops and
backdrop) that created a lovely setting with a center projection area. The
backdrops in these picture sets were also termed “picture sheets.”
Picture setting design by the Twin City Scenic Co.Picture setting design by the Twin City Scenic Co., see model picture below.Another example of a picture set for a theater.
Of Fort Wayne project, Moses wrote,
“Went to Fort Wayne to stage picture set at the Empress Theatre.” The $1300
project was for painted scenes that framed a projection screen placed within a
painted composition. The new scenery was needed for the reopening of the venue
as the Empress theater reopened as a combination house, featuring vaudeville
acts and the latest three-reel films and serials..The Empress Theatre reopened
under new management on June 16, 1916. The “Fort Wayne Sentinel” reported,
“EIGHT BIG ACTS OF SUPREME VAUDEVILLE…This theatre, now under the management of
large Eastern Circuit and will at all times give the public the best obtainable
in from eight to ten acts of Vaudeville and High Class Musical Comedy.”
From the “Fort Wayne Sentinel,” June 14, 1916, page 5.
In 1916 “Picture set” also
identified a setting for film production. Newspaper articles suggest that his
was a relatively new practice in 1916. These new types of “picture sets”
received a substantial amount of publicity. They were even referred to as a
“new stunt” in filming (“Hobart Republican,” Hobart, Oklahoma, 17 Feb, 1916,
page 7). The “Jackson Daily News” reported, “The use of a big theatre as a
motion picture set is a new scheme and proved to be a very effective one” (8
Feb 1916, page). Here is the context…the Republic Theatre was used as a film
set for a 1916 Florence Reed picture. Of the film, newspapers reported, “As soon as the curtain was rung down at 11
o’clock on ‘Common Clay,’ Producer Fitzmaurice with his star, Florence Reed and
many extras, came in and took possession of the theatre. Special lights were
installed and some twenty scenes taken in jig time….In order to carry out the
realism the floor of the theatre was crowded with extras, and friends of
various Pathe officials. Mr. Woods himself was present and gave many valuable
hints as to detail. The picture is New York,” an adaptation of the one of Mr.
Wild’s theatrical productions” (Jackson
Daily News. 8 Feb 1916, page).
In 1916, Moses mentioned another movie picture set, writing,
“In March we did a picture set for a suburban town near Pittsburg,” later
adding, “We sent two of our picture set models to the Art Institute with the Palette
and Chisel Club exhibit, and they received as much attention as some of the pictures.”
These were movie set models that were on display for the exhibit instead of
models that depicted a central projection screen.
Of the Palette & Chisel Club Exhibit, the “Chicago
Tribune” reported, “New Exhibit at Institute. A unique event in the life of the
Palette and Chisel Club in Chicago will take place on Tuesday evening, April
25, at the Art Institute. For twenty years the club has been holding its annual
exhibitions at its own clubrooms. Tuesday night all precedent and tradition
will be violated and its large and interesting collection of the last year’s
activities along art lines will be shown at the Art Institute of Chicago. It is
to be an extremely comprehensive exhibit, including in its scope not only
paintings and sculpture, but the work of some master craftsman as well, men who
apply their artistic talents to the usable things of life, incurring thereby
the lasting gratitude of the practical masses.”
For the exhibit Gustave Bauman showed his wood block prints
and book decorations, while Oswald Cooper, Fred Bersch and B. A. Kleboe
exhibited various booklets and interesting examples of fine printing designed
by them. John Carlsen showed special
wall paper designs and Watkins Williams exhibited some stage designs. Williams was noted as a Sosman & Landis
scenic artist. The newspaper article
noted Williams as the artist who “designed and painted the scenery for the
immortal Sarah Bernhardt on her last American tour.”
Williams worked at Sosman & Landis. Sosman & Landis
models for movie sets would have been an asset to this diverse group,
especially in light of Watkins.
One final picture set mentioned by Moses in 1916 was for the
Studebaker Theatre in Chicago. Of it, he wrote, “Our big picture set at the
Studebaker made a big hit, quiet and dignified.” This was likely another film
set, as “quiet and dignified” seems an unusual way to describe a picture sheet.
This movie played at the Studebaker, another theater with a picture setting by Sosman 7 Landis. From the “Chicago Tribune,” 21 May 1916. page 29.
In 1916, Thomas G. Moses wrote, “May 1st was my
first in six months at painting attempt in the studio. Models and sketches take up all my time.”
He was now the president of Sosman & Landis. A partnership had made the firm a success,
and now Moses was pretty much on his own. In the beginning, Landis was on the
road securing contracts followed by Sosman painting the projects. Moses was
their first hire in 1880, assisting Sosman on many of their early projects
before the staff grew, yet Sosman maintained artistic control while Landis
headed sales. When Landis left in 1902, Sosman appointed Moses vice-president two
years later. At this time it was David H. Hunt who focused on sales. By 1916,
however, Sosman was gone and Hunt had started his own studio. Moses was left to
pick up the pieces and please the shareholders, in addition to competing with
Hunt for the same clientele.
Moses was attempting to both secure and supervise projects
in the main studio and annexes. His statement, “Models and sketches take up all
of my time,” emphasized his workload for sales that year.
He later wrote, “October 10th I was re-elected
president of the company, Mrs. Sosman vice president and Lester Landis secretary
and treasurer…Sosman and Landis Company enjoyed a good year. We have all been very busy. I have not done as much as I would like to do
in the way of pictures, but I guess I did fairly well.” Moses then added a sentence that starts to
show the wear and tear of his artistic soul, “I live on year to year, hoping,
always hoping, for a little more time to gratify my ambition to paint if only
one picture that I could really fell was worth while and all the years I have
tried to do this were not spent in vain.”
At the beginning of 1916,
everything seemed possible. The firm delivered scenery for the Strand Theatre
in Indianapolis. Sosman & Landis took out an advertisement in the
“Indianapolis Star” in support, announcing, “Designed, built and painted the elaborate
picture setting for the new Strand Theatre listing their contribution.
“Producers of Quality Scenery” listed Thos. G. Moses as “President and
Designer” with P. L. Landis as “Secretary and Treasurer.” The advertisement
also noted that the firm was established in 1877. An article also announced
“Strand Scenery Excellent,” adding “Thomas G. Moses, president of the Sosman
& Landis Company, producers of theatrical scenery, superintended the
arrangement of the elaborate setting for the Strand Theatre. Mr. Moses has done
a great deal of scenery work in the different theaters of Indianapolis dating
back to the first production of Ben-Hur at English’s Theater. Mr. Moses has
designed and painted productions in nearly every city in the country. In the
Strand stage settings the possibilities for excellent lighting are obvious, and
are taken advantage of by the Strand’s electrician, Mr. Dalton” (Indianapolis
Star, January 15, 1916, page 9).
From the “Indianapolis Star,” 15 Jan 1916, page 9.
Moses started doing something
new in 1916; Moses now took credit for his own designs work when Sosman &
Landis manufactured it. In other words, programs and newspaper article now
differentiated “designed by Thomas Moses” and “built by Sosman &
Landis.” For example, on April 15,
1916, the “Rock Island Argus” reported “[Around the Town] was built in its
entirety by the Sosman & Landis scenic company from special designs made by
Thomas Moses” (15 April 1916, page 8). Another instance was for the Boston
English Opera’s production of “Martha.” Newspaper advertisements reported,
“Scenery Designed by Thomas Moses and Built by Sosman and Landis Studios” (The
McPherson Daily Republican, 21 Oct 1916, page 5). T was too little too late, as
the names of designers were no longer a driving that attracted attention.
All of Moses’ talents and experience
wouldn’t help him in the end. The studio
would soon begin to crumble. Times were changing; there was a new game with new
rules and a war overseas. So many things
began happen simultaneously and the supply for painted scenery began to outpace
the demand. A new movement was in the
making for the stage, and it concerned the rejection of painted scenery on the
stage in lieu of fabric setting and motion picture. Moses would become the
proverbial fish out of water, with Sosman & Landis floundering. The company
would not survive the next seven years.
In 1916, Thomas G. Moses wrote, “Our business relations with
the New York Studios are a bit strained, and we have notified them that
hereafter there would be no restricted district for us, and we did not care
what they did. Pennsylvania and New York
used to be our very best states, and we were going after them again.” To fully understand Moses’ sentiment, we need
to look at Moses relationship with the founder of New York Studios, David H.
Hunt. First of all, Moses never cared
for Hunt.
After establishing the unsuccessful theatrical management
firm of Sosman, Landis & Hunt in 1894, Hunt convinced Sosman to invest in
another scenic studio in 1910, New York Studios. The new company was promoted
as the eastern affiliate of Sosman & Landis, well… kind of. Since the
1880s, Sosman & Landis maintained regional offices across the country, but
these were mutually beneficial relationships. For example, in 1887 Sosman &
Landis established a branch in Kansas City, Missouri, under the direction of
Lemuel L. Graham; it was known as the Kansas City Scenic Co., but Lem also did
business under his own name too. In the late 1880s Sosman & Landis also
established a regional office in New York City.
Multiple locations were the key to success. Just like we hear “shop
local,” that sentiment held true in the late-nineteenth and early twentieth
century for theatrical projects. Visiting a studio in a nearby town was far
better than hiring the unknown firm from a distant studio.
The real issue was that Hunt’s business plans, first and
foremost, benefitted Hunt and not his investors or affiliates. In other words,
New York Studios gained a massive support network such as Sosman & Landis
staff, connections, materials and studio space. I have yet to figure out if
there was really any added benefit for Sosman & Landis, but for whatever
reason, Sosman had a soft spot for Hunt and went along with many of his
schemes. When Sosman passed away in 1915 and Moses was elected president of
Sosman & Landis, Hunt no longer had an advocate at the Chicago studio and
the gravy train abruptly halted. So, when Moses wrote, “Pennsylvania and New
York used to be our very best states, and we were going after them again,” he really
threw down the gauntlet at Hunt and a feud began, . The two studios would now wrestle
over territories. Moses previously played by an old set of rules, based on respect
and gentlemen’s agreements; he was unprepared for the next generation of studio
owners as the playing field changed. Hunt was ruled by a different set of motivators
– his own self-interest. In all
appearances, Hunt was a slick talker and salesman. So, here is the background
between Moses and Hunt…
Moses first met Hunt in 1893,
and the two soon paired off on quite a few projects by 1894. In 1897, however, Moses and Hunt began to disagree. That year
Moses recorded an event that concerned Edith Chapman’s production of “Charity
Ball.” This is the beginning of a truly unhappy relationship. Here is what
Moses wrote:
Mr. Hunt found fault with my
neutral coloring and said one day, “Why don’t you make some positive color
decoration like pink or green?”
I had the first act of “Held by
the Enemy” on the frame – a southern interior.
I said, “Alright, I will make
this a pink wall and cream colored woodwork.”
“Fine,” said he. I did so.
I did not consult Miss Chapman as usual. The scene was set. I was in front as usual during the
performance. Miss Chapman entered. I saw her look up the scene and almost fall
back. She had on a shell pink, deep
flounced and a very full hoop skirt.
I nearly fainted. I was sick.
I rushed back at the close of the act and found her in tears. As soon as she saw me, she said, “Oh, why did
you do it – didn’t you know I was going the limit on my dress?” She had forgotten that I did not consult her
as I usually did. I pointed to Mr. Hunt. “There is the one I tried to please.” Hunt then realized he was wrong, and I had
been right all season. I painted out the
wall color the next morning, for it simply killed Miss Chapman’s dress, as
there was so much of it.”
That same season Moses
continued, “The different newspapers gave our work splendid notice every week.
For one paper on which Mr. Montgomery Phister was the critic, and his son was
the artist, I made a heading for each week’s article on the play at the Pyke –
drawing in ink the principal scenes.
Hunt never knew that I did it – he flattered himself the paper was doing
it. Phister had been a scenic artist in
his young days and was in full sympathy with the artist.
One day he said to Hunt for a
joke – “I think Moses uses too much raw umber.”
Hunt repeated this to me as his
own idea. I was sure someone that knew
color had been at Hunt, so I said, “Raw Umber!
What kind of color is that? I
don’t use it at all.”
He was stumped and didn’t know
what to say. He went back to Phister,
who in turn told me. We had a hearty
laugh over it.”
I bet they did, and then the
battles increased in intensity. The war began in earnest during one of Sosman’s
absences from the studio in 1910, likely prompting the establishment of New
York Studios.
That year, Moses wrote, “Mr.
Sosman went to Europe on January 30th for an extended trip…He had a
good bookkeeper, and I depended on him a great deal. I did some hustling while he was away. Mr. Hunt was secretary and treasurer, and
expected to run the business, but I wouldn’t allow it. Mr. Hunt kept on the road most of the time… I
heard some reports as to what Hunt had reported to Sosman about my treatment
towards him. I got mad and wanted to
quit. Sosman wouldn’t listen to me…Hunt
remained away from the studio for some time, before going back home.” This is when Hunt establishes New York Studios,
partially funded by Sosman. I have to wonder if Sosman only invested in Hunt to
separate the two, attempting to keep peace. Of the company, Moses wrote, “Hunt
had started a New York studio in New York City, and he expected us to do a
great deal of work, as he had Sosman invest a small amount.” But there were
other contingencies, including the restricted districts that in 1916 Moses
chose to ignore. So when one reads Moses 1916 entry, “Our business relations
with the New York Studios are a bit strained, and we have notified them that hereafter
there would be no restricted district for us, and we did not care what they
did,” it takes on a whole new meaning.
In the end, Moses may have
picked the wrong man to do battle with that year.
This is the only photo that I have been able to locate of Nick Pausback – he is in the back row, second in from the left.
In 1916, Thomas G. Moses wrote, “Pausback went to the 20th
Street studio, part of which we rented for a couple of months. We put plenty of help with Pausback to rush
the work through, and I think he will be able to pull it out, as we are too
busy at Clinton street to take much of it.”
Sosman & Landis’ main studio was on Clinton Street. Over
the years, the firm would lease additional studio spaces that were referred to
as “annex studios.” The 20th
Street Studio was an annex studio. For
years, any annex studio was under the direct supervision of Moses, unless he
was called away – which was a lot. Since 1904, Moses was in charge of all
design, construction, painting and installation of projects at Sosman &
Landis. This was not a first-time that
Moses moved staff from one building to another. Since 1908, Pausback has
bounced back and forth between the main studio and various annexes, he was a
shop manager.
Nicholas “Nick” John Pausback Jr. was a scenic artist,
described as a tall, slender man with grey eyes and dark brown hair.
Pausback was born on May 5, 1881; this makes him twenty-five
years younger than Moses. The Registry of Births for the city of St. Louis,
Missouri, lists that Nick Pausback was born at Rappahannock St. and his parents were to Nicholas and Caroline
Pausback. He was one of seven children; his siblings were Maria (b. 1879),
Joseph (b. 1883), Eva (b. 1884), August (b. 1885), Stella (b. 1888), and Clara
(b. 1889).
The 1900 US Census lists the nineteen-year-old Pausback as living
with his family at 3113 Magnolia in St. Louis, Missouri. At the time, his
occupation was noted as “artist – painting.” He was the only one in the family
that entered theatre industry. His siblings worked as milliners, salesmen in
clock stores, clerks in a mill and saloon employees. Pausabck’s mother even worked
at a grocery store. Interestingly, his little brother became an boxer, making
headlines after ca collapse in the ring during a 1906 match at the Broadway
A.C. in St. Louis (“St. Louis Globe-Democrat,” 18 April 1906, page 13). Brother
Joe was in the 125-pound class and reported to be a “youngster with a record
for having the stiffest punch of any boy of his weight in the city” (St. Louis
Globe-Democrat, 16 April 1906, page 11). I have not tried to track down the
other siblings at this time.
In 1902, there was a newspaper announcement about Nick Pausback’s
twenty-first birthday party (St. Louis Republic, 11 May 1902, page 17). Quite a
few people attended, including fellow scenic artist Armbruster. Although no
first name was given, my best guess is Otto, as he was working for Moses at the
time.
By 1905, Pausback was credited with fully equipping the new
Grand Theatre in Owensboro, Kentucky. The “Messenger-Inquirer” reported, “Mr.
Nicholas Pausback of St. Louis is the artist employed. He has painted several
of the scenes and is now at work on the others. There will be twenty hanging scenes and about
seventy-five all told. The greater part of these will be in frames…When the
work is completed the Grand will have one of the very best equipped of stages.
The two ‘tormentors’ painted by Mr. Pausback have been placed and they are
receiving favorable criticism of all who see them.” The project also included a
heavy asbestos curtain with “beautiful Venetian scene” (Messenger-Inquirer, 18
July 1905, page 6). Other pieces mentioned included two drop curtains and a
fancy parlor scene painted in a Japanese pattern.
That same year, Pausback was also engaged to paint new
scenery for the new opera house in Central City (Messenger-Inquirer, 26 July
1905, page 8). The venue would become known as the Gish Opera House. By the
way, Central City is halfway between Louisville and Nashville; I had to look.
Only four years later, the opera house went up in flames; the fire started
during commencement exercises for the Central City School’s music class. The
music teacher and children ranging from ages 5-12 were the main victims,
perishing in a tragedy locals termed the “Opera House Holocaust” (Cincinnati
Enquirer, 26 May 1909, page 1).
Pausback did marry and start a family in St. Louis too. His
bride was Ottilia (also Otilia) Groebl (b. 1883), a German immigrant who
arrived in 1898. The couple celebrated the birth of six children, three girls and
three boys: Nicholas (B. 1905), Elvira (b. 1906), Raymond (b. 1908), Mary (b.
1912), Lawrence (b. 1922) and Therese (b. 1927). Only the first two children
were born in St. Louis.
It was in 1907 that Pausback and his family moved from St.
Louis to Chicago, and I wonder employment at Sosman & Landis prompted the
move. That year, he started to work for the firm as their paint shop foreman. Moses,
wrote, “I depended a great deal on Pausback to look after the work while I was
away.”
Pausback did not consistently work at Sosman & Landis, however,
as he also worked for a variety of other firms. Like many scenic artists of the
time, Pausback picked up work wherever he could find it. During the late-nineteenth
and early twentieth century, scenic artists accepted extra work even when
working full-time positions. Demand for scenic art outweighed the supply and a
great deal of money could be made in a relatively short period of time for any
ambitious artist. The phrase “make hay
while the sun shines” certainly comes to mind.
The 1910 US census listed Pausback as an advertiser in the
“Packing Co.” industry, still working as a scenic artist though. He would
provide this same information for the 1920 census too which makes me wonder
what the Packing Co. delivered. There are too many packing companies to even
hazard a guess at this time. In 1911, Moses again records that Pausback took
charge of the 20th Street studio.
By 1916, Pausback was back at the 20th Street
studio and also installed a few shows in New York. At the time he was working
with the stage carpenter Harry Nailer. Then everything changes. My guess is World War I and a redistribution
of labor. The next year Pausback was working in the advertising department at
Swift & Co., located in Chicago’s Union Stock Yards. Keep in mind that many
scenic artists were snatched up by the military; camouflage painting was in its
infancy and would draw heavily on the expertise of stage painters, those who
were skilled at painting for a distance. A decade later, Pausback established
his own studio.
In 1927, he founded Pausback studios and ran the firm for
twenty years, retiring only six years before his passing in 1953. His scenery
company was located at 3727 Cottage Grove Ave., Chicago (Chicago Tribune 2 Dec.
1928, page 2). In 1928 Pausback also wrote a book on stage craft (Dec. 17,
1928). He was in his late forties and seems to have been hitting his stride.
Things were continuing to look up, work was plentiful, and there was a new and
insatiable client – academic theater.
Educational and academic institutions became a primary client
for Pausback Studios, as well as many theatrical supply firms of the time. Public
schools were in a constant state of demand, with an ever-growing need for rigging,
draperies, and scenic options. Publications focused on how amateur productions
could forgo the need of any theatrical expert – “do it yourself” became a
popular approach; you just needed enthusiasm and an instructional manual to
produce a show. Part of me wonders if
this was the beginning of the end for the professional scene painter, hence the
mass migration to Hollywood where an advanced skill set was still required to
produce magic.
Of Pausback’s children, only his daughter Alvera (b. 1907) was
working for the company after the market crash in 1929. She remained a clerk, possibly
the result of labor reduction. Pausback Scenery Co. also provided properties
for “Wings of a Century,” a feature at the 1933 world fair in Chicago. In the
1930s, Pausback studio made a huge splash with oversized Christmas tree
ornaments. Towards the end of his career, Pausback worked with Arthur “Art” W. Oberbeck,
another former Sosman & Landis employee (“Blue Island Sun Standard,” 15
June 1944, Page 6). Oberbeck started as a paint boy at the Sosman & Landis studio
in 1904, just a few years before Pauysback joined the staff.
Interestingly, Pausback was also an amateur magician. As a
member of the International Brotherhood of Magicians and the American Society of
Magicians, he was known as “Nicodemus, the Magician” (Chicago
Tribune 14 May 1953, page 36).https://newspaperarchive.com/blue-island-sun-standard-jun-15-1944-p-6/
Overall, Pausback’s obituary listed that he was in the
theatrical scenery business for 45 years and did not retire until 1947. It
was a little longer than that, according to my calculations. Pausback passed
away at the age of 72 in 1953. He is buried in St. Mary Catholic Cemetery and
Mausoleum in Evergreen Park, Illinois (Section 1, lot 764). This is now on my
“to visit” list, as I track across country and pay homage to those who came
before me.
I end with this: His obituary remembers, “Nicholas J. Pausback,
72, of 1000 S. Rhodes av., retired theatrical scenery contractor, died
yesterday in his home. Mr. Pausback, who retired six years ago, supplied amateur
and professional theatrical scenery for 45 years, the last 20 years as owner of
Pausback Scenic studios. An amateur magician, he was a member of the
International Brotherhood of Magicians and the American Society of Magicians.
Surviving are his widow, Otilia, three daughters, Mrs. Elvira Pausback Howard,
Mrs. Mary Crescentia Welsh and Mrs. Therese Curtis, and three sons, the Very
Rev. Gabriel of the Carmelite Order, Raymond Joseph and Lawrence” (Chicago
Tribune, 14 May 1953, page 36).
Pausback’s obituary also credited him as a “scenic
artist de luxe”(Chicago Tribune 14
May 1953, page 36). Life goes by too fast, and we are too quick to summarize
another’s life in a few sentences. Kudos to the families that did more. I am
desperately trying to preserve our past and pay tribute to those unsung
theatrical geniuses.
In the end, Pausback Studios merged with Acme and Carsen in
1957 to form the Acme Carsen Pausback Studio. See past post 566 for more
information about Acme and Carsen of Chicago; it is quite a story.
In 1916, Thomas G. Moses wrote, “A new kitchen and dining
room at the camp adds a little more worry and expense to the financial
committee, but we are all very happy over the fact that the club really owns
the home in the woods.” Moses was referring to the Fox Lake Camp used by
members of the Palette & Chisel Club during the hot summer months. The
group had started out with large tent in 1906. Moses personally donated a small
structure for the land, effectively replacing the tent.
The camp tent at Fox Lake for Palette & Chisel Club members.The structure that replaced tent camping for Palette & Chisel Club artists at Fox Lake.
There is a point when “roughing it” loses a certain appeal;
much has to do with one’s comfort and ability to sleep on the ground. When my
husband and I were first married, we went on family canoeing trips to the
Boundary Waters in Minnesota. We portaged from lake to lake with our canoes and
gear, setting up camp in a designated spot and cooking the fish we caught over
a fire. During one trip, we joked that my dad had brought along a foam pad to
sleep on. As active twenty-something, we didn’t find any discomfort sleeping on
the ground, complete with all its branches and rocks. My dad was in his sixties
and I look back in amazement that he was willing to sleep on the ground at all,
even with a one-inch foam pad; heartier stock, I guess.
Moses had “roughed it” quite a bit in his youth, but in 1916
he was sixty years old, and camping in a tent was less appealing. It’s not that
he had never camped outdoors or “roughed it” in the wilderness; he had on
multiple sketching trips during his youth. In 1884, Moses and three other
scenic artists traveled to the Rocky Mountains with minimal supplies, finding
shelter wherever they could on their sketching trip. At the time he was twenty-eight
years old and had never seen the mountains; it was all a big adventure. His traveling companions were John H. Young (26
yrs.),
Edward A. Morange (19 yrs.), and Hardy C. Maratta (20 yrs.). The four artists travelled to
Breckenridge and Moses recalled, “On our return trip we looked like a bunch
of tramps, happy and ready for our old work.”
Of
the camping near Breckenridge, Moses wrote, “We had the tent pitched
very quickly, some pine boughs cut and laid for our spring bed, over which we
laid our four army blankets, two over and two under us. The delicate odor from
the pine was very refreshing. We must
have made a mistake in cutting the boughs and twigs, for they were more like
branches and trunks…
As I was the fat one in my party I had more grooves in my back and arms, from
the so-called pine twigs that composed our springs, than anyone in the party.”
Over
two decades later Moses participated in early camping adventures with the
Palette & Chisel club at Fox Lake. By 1906 “tent camping” was already
losing its appeal. Moses wrote, “June 1st, I made my first
trip to the Palette and Chisel Club camp at Fox Lake, Ill. Helped to put up the tent. A new experience for me, but I enjoyed it. I slept well on a cot. Made a few sketches. A very interesting place. I don’t like the cooking in the tent and
there should be a floor in the tent. I
saw a great many improvements that could be made in the outfit and I started
something very soon.” By 1908, Moses wrote, “I bought the portable house that
we built years ago and at that time we received $300.00 for it. I finally got it for $50.00, some
bargain. It cost $25.00 to remove it and
we will put it up at Fox Lake in the spring.
It has been used in Forest Park all summer to show “The Day in the
Alps.” The next year Moses wrote, “As we had put up the portable house in Fox
Lake, I was better contented to go up. I
gave the camp a portable kitchen and it was some class. I felt sure I would manage to get a camp
outfit worth while and the boys all fell in line with me.”
So by 1916, when Moses wrote, “A new kitchen and dining room
at the camp adds a little more worry and expense to the financial committee,
but we are all very happy over the fact that the club really owns the home in
the woods.” By this time, it was no longer camping; they were staying at a lake
home. Understandably so, as Moses was
now 60 years old, he had entered the same decade when my dad decided to use a
foam pad while camping. I know that at this point in my life I have no
intention of sleeping on the ground.
Maybe I have become a little soft, too used to the modern luxuries of
camping cots, air mattresses, and memory foam.
In 1916, Thomas G. Moses wrote, “Sold Hoffman of Detroit
$725.00 of old scenery from Saginaw.” Sosman & Landis had previously provided
scenery to East Saginaw’s Academy of Music. The refurbishment and resale of old scenery to a
new venue was commonplace at this time.
From the “Detroit Times,” March 28, 1916, page 3.
On March 26, 1916, the “Detroit Free Press” announced,
“Amusement Place of Large Capacity Takes Site Where Stands Old Abandoned House
of Worship.” C. A. Hoffman and Graham Hoffman were pictured next to the
proposed Colonial Theatre. The article continued, “Amusement place with
capacity for 2,289 is to be opened October 1. To build the first large-modern
theater in the near down-town section of Woodward avenue, the Detroit-Colonial
Theater company has been organized by the Hoffman brothers, vaudeville managers
and producers, and incorporated with an authorized capital of $200,000.
“A 30-year lease has been obtained of the northwest corner
of Woodward avenue and Sibley street on which now stands the abandoned Woodward
avenue Congregational church, a landmark in that section.
“C. Howard Crane, architect, has been engaged to draw plans
for the theater and has completed the specifications embodying a number of innovations.
The theater will have no gallery; but there will be a spacious balcony.
Something new to Detroit will be a larger open well on what is to be a
mezzanine floor, giving the auditorium under the balcony the appearance of
great height. This feature is found in the Strand theater, New York. The
capacity will be 2,289 including 204 box chairs. The style of architecture will
be colonial carried out in exterior and interior details, giving opportunity
for striking beauty and simplicity.
There will be a stage adequate in size for any act on the
large vaudeville circuits. There are to be 15 dressing rooms, besides special
quarters for musicians, electricians, and carpenters, and lounging rooms and
shower baths for stage performers.
The name Colonial has been chosen for the theater because it
is the pioneer showhouse of the district in which it is to be located, because
of the style of architecture desired an because as the promoters declare, ‘It’s
a good old American. – strictly American name.”
Clare A. Hoffman will be president and general managers of
the company, and Graham Hoffman secretary and treasurer. These young men of
long experience, in various capacities, with the theatrical and amusement
business, built and have managed the Palace Theatre of this city. They are the
management in the Hoffman Brothers theater enterprises including the new Palace
theater of Saginaw. The vice-president of the Colonial Theater company is Harry
J. Dingeman. The three named with Julius L. Krimmel and Mortimer Hoffman are the
company’s directors.”
Clare A. Hoffman, pictured in the “Detroit Times,” March 28, 1916, page 3.Graham Hoffman, pictured in the “Detroit Times,” March 28, 1916, page 3.
On Feb. 26, 1916, “The Moving
Picture World” announced, “Clare A. Hoffman has succeeded A. I. Marenette as
president of the Palace Theater Cp., of Detroit. Graham Hoffman continues as
secretary. Harry J. Dingeman has been elected vice-president and Frederick H.
Mears treasurer. These, with Mr. Marentette, form the directorate.
It was announced at the director’s
meeting held recently that the company, which has been paying 1 per cent,
monthly on a $200,000 full subscribed capital, will go to 2 per cent. March 1,
with the company practically free from debt. C. A. Hoffman has also been chosen
president, Mr. Dingeman vice-president and Graham Hoffman secretary of the Hippodrome
Amusement Co., of Saginaw, Mich., which has practically completed the financing
of a theater being erected on Gennessee avenue and to be opened about March 15.
The Hoffman Brothers Theatrical Enterprises has recently opened offices at 1437
Dime Bank building. They propose to erect other theaters in Michigan” (page
1330).
Sosman & Landis had been doing
business with the Hoffmans since 1914. On Feb. 15 of that year, the firm
delivered scenery to the Palace Theatre in Detroit (see past post #879). The
Hoffman brothers were the managers for the venue. Other Palace theaters with
scenery by Sosman & Landis included those in Chicago (1912), Minneapolis
(1914) and Fort Wayne (1914).
To be continued…
In January 1916, Thomas G. Moses wrote, “I had a fool’s
errand to Dayton, Ohio. They wanted a
plush curtain and telephoned for me to come immediately. The National Cash Register Company. They didn’t even apologize.” Well, the
company may have been a bit busy that January defending themselves in an anti-trust
suit. On Feb. 2, 1916, “The Times Recorder” reported, “The anti-trust suit
against the National Cash Register Company was dismissed in U.S. court here
today, the defendants agreeing to do all except to dissolve the company. The
company is enjoined from using any trade
secrets or from intimidating a competitor or acquiring control of a company
except on permission of the court”(Zanesville, Ohio, 2 Feb 1916, page 1).
From the “Dayton Daily Herald,” 26 Aug 1916, page 4.
Of the National Cash Register project mentioned by Moses, it
may have concerned auditorium.
Article on the new N.C.R. City Club Auditorium, from the “Dayton Daily News,” 3 Dec 1916, page 48.
In 1916, the National Cash Register City Club Auditorium
opened in Dayton, Ohio, on Dec. 2, 1916. Located at First and Ludlow Street, over
two thousand employees and their families gathered to celebrate the event. Although no formal program was planned for
the opening, company president J. H. Patterson, and the officers of the company
held an open house and formed a reception line. The “Dayton Daily News”
reported, “the organization at the factory had grown to such an extent that it
was impossible for the officials to have the close contact with the employees
that is possible in the small organization, and that in order that all might
have the opportunity to meet each other, this club has been established” (3 Dec
1916, page 48). Patterson outlined the purposes of the education features that
were to be part of club activities, “saying that every man in the employ of the
company will have an opportunity to improve his efficiency if he desires.”
The open house was held for two
weeks. In the evening, the N.C.R. film “The Troubles of a Storekeeper” was
shown, depicting the troubles of a merchant who used antiquated methods in
business, and how he remedied them with a cash register. This film has been
shown in numerous cities across the country. All merchants and clerks in Dayton
were specially invited to attend a showing at the N. C. R. City Club
Auditorium.
The new auditorium, or ‘Little
Theater” as it was sometimes called, was constructed of red brick and the
interior finished in gray. The floor of the auditorium was not raked, intended
to be used for not only dramatics, but also dancing and gymnastics. The small
stage included one interior and one exterior setting for amateur theatrics. The
intent was to share the auditorium with various societies and organizations.
Newspaper articles reported that the purpose of the club was to provide “a
down-town social center for employees of the company, where they may gather for
events of importance during the winter season.” Each Saturday night, cider and
doughnuts were furnished free of charge.
Continuing education was also
offered, with classes in advertising, bookkeeping, free hand drawing, business
letter writing, public speaking, printing, salesmanship and shop mathematics.
The classes were taught by N. C. R. employees and were not meant to interfere
with other educational institutions of Dayton. The “Dayton News” commented,
“The N. C. R. City Club accomplishes a two-fold purpose: It not only provides a
place for amusement and recreation, but also gives N. C. R. employes an
opportunity to better their present positions.” All employees were eligible for
membership in the club.
In addition to the classes, talks
were given by officials of the National Cash Register Co., and others, on
various topics. Motion pictures and stereopticon entertainments periodically
scheduled.
From, “Dayton Daily News,” 20 July 1916, page 24.From the “Dayton Daily Herald,” 15 July 1916, page 4.
Design in the ACME Studios sales book of a Red Cross Benefit backdrop installation.
In 1916, Thomas G. Moses wrote, “On
February 15th, closed with the German Red Cross Kirmiss contract for
$7,500.00.” Moses was referring to the big Red Cross Society drive that took
the form of a German Street Fair in the Chicago Coliseum on April 2. In 1916,
charitable events were held throughout the United States for the German Red
Cross, with many using street fetes as a vehicle. I have uncovered very little
about the Chicago event, but it was similar to the one held in Cincinnati the
year before. “The Cincinnati Enquirer” described the event at the Music Hall on
November 18, 19 and 20 in 1915, reporting, “It will be a faithful reproduction
of the famous old German city of Nuremburg on the occasion of a typical
Kirmiss, the proceeds of the undertaking to be for the benefit of the
German-Austro-Hungarian Red Cross fund. The unusual attractiveness of the
affair will consist in placing in the north wing of Music Hall a replica of the
old city of Nuremberg, with its quaint tiled-roof houses and its famous
‘Bratwurst Gloeklein.”
Baltimore’s “Der Deutsche
Correspondent” included a history of the German Red Cross on 23 Nov. 1916 (page
4):
“The German Red Cross is an old established institution,
which has given capable services in times of peace whenever natural or
industrial calamities have compelled earnest and systematic relief action…At the
outbreak of the war, the German Red Cross, complete as it already was for
conditions then existing, was amplified and expanded into the magnificent
organization to which all classes of social life in the German Empire have been
proud to contribute, The advice and services of the greatest authorities in the
sciences of medicine and surgery at its command.
The
responsibilities of the German Red Cross are stupendous and the daily
continuation of the war in all its varied phases and territories has causes a
corresponding increase of suffering and of pitiful conditions for the relief of
which additional funds are urgently required and earnestly solicited.
Contrary to
general belief, the German Red Cross concerns itself not only with the succor
and care of the wounded and convalescent soldiers, but also with the relief of
innocent victims, reaching out a helping hand to the uttermost limits to those
who have borne the brunt of the war’s hardships. This includes not only the
soldier who has been disabled during outpost duty on the farthest front, but
also his dependent wife and children at home, who must be clothed, fed,
educated and provided with medical attention.
Thousands of volunteer workers who
had received instruction in first aid, together with a legion of highly trained
nurses have taken up the work of mercy in relieving the wounded, whether friend
of former foe, and in many homes today fervent gratitude is being voiced to the
German Red Cross for its skilled assistance in restoring loved ones to the
families’ bosoms; husbands and fathers and brothers who might have succumbed to
their wounds on the battlefield but for its timely aid.
The most advanced practices in
restoring to health the wounded and convalescent are employed. The facilities
of sanitariums and institutions for teaching the blind, the crippled and
partially helpless and the hopelessly invalided, have become available for
these unfortunates, Special training schools are maintained for those who have
had to use artificial limbs, so that they may not become totally incapacitated,
thus giving them an opportunity of again becoming useful and independent
members of society.
By Nov. 16, Chicago’s “Day Book” reported, “Berlin. – German
Red Cross and the Ass’n of Patriotic Ladies have received $50,000 from the U.S.
branch for relief to families of soldiers” (page 31). At the end of 1916, the
German Red Cross Society received $200,000. This figure was included in a December
30 article in the “Chicago Tribune.” The article included a list of gifts and
bequests during 1916 by Chicagoans:
“It is not an exaggeration that the donations and bequests
to charity, educational and religious institutions, art music and the public
welfare in general in the United States during the year 1916 will reach nearly
a billion dollars. Among the items which will help to make up this huge total
are large sums raised by Americans for relief to war sufferers and help for war
makers. It is estimated that nearly $5,000,000 have been sent through the
principle agencies in New York and Boston, but to this sum should be added
those sent through other agencies in various parts of the country and the
numerous contributions, which have been made direct, and not through any
special fund. Supplies worth millions of dollars have also been collected and
sent in addition to cash donations. Of these war gifts Belgium has received
about $11,000,000, France nearly $4,000,000, Germany about $9,000,00, Poland
$2,300,000, England 1,125,000, Jewish sufferers $6,500,000, Serbia $320,000,
Russia $160,000, Armenians and Syrians $2,565,000, Lithuanians $138,000, Balkan
fund $500,000, Japan $11,000, Christmas gifts $400,000, Roumania $3,200,
Australia $30,000, Italy $62,000, and several smaller amounts have been sent
for ambulances, artists, surgical dressings, education, hospitals, etc. These
sums represent those sent by the Red Cross and larger relief organizations. The
increase of wages and bonuses paid by corporations to their employees amount at
least $400,000,000. Christmas charitable organizations and God Fellows have
added about $80,000,000 more to the grand total. The American board of
commissioners for foreign missions has broken all records with receipts of
$1,207,000 and $550,000 have been expended upon work among troops on the
Mexican border. As to personal contributions it is impossible to form any
estimate, except in a few prominent cases. John D. Rockefeller has donated to
different objects about $9,500,000; Andrew Carnegie, $3,000,000; Julius
Rosenwald $1,600,000, and Mrs. Russell Sage $525,000. The donations and
bequests for various purposes in this country have amounted to $764,077.99,
these including only large sums, which have been publicly announced. Of this
total donations have been $623,262,002; bequests, $140,815,797. The objects of
this beneficence are as follows: Charities, $657,042,700; educational
institutions $72,612,619; religious institutions, $20,243,735; museums, art
galleries and municipal benefits, $11,479,295; libraries, $2,717,450.”
As an undergraduate
student at the University of Minnesota, I created an index for Thomas G. Moses’
diary and scrapbook. It was part of an independent study course with Prof. Lance
Brockman. I spent countless hours trying to track down sources for the newspaper
clippings in Moses’ scrapbook, paging through crumbling theatre journals and scrolling
through reels of microfilm.
Fast-forward
three decades. I am sitting on the floor of my basement office, organizing my scenic
art files. A small slip of paper falls to the floor; it’s almost illegible
because the font is so small and I have no idea where I last set my reading
glasses. I take a picture with my phone to enlarge the print and quickly scan
the article; one name pops out – Little Theresa Sparks.
Her is the
article: “Little Theresa Sparks is another scenic artist who may be expected to
reach the top. Miss Sparks is now employed with Bodine-Spanger Studio, Chicago.
Two years ago she was given her first opportunity to demonstrate her ability
when then manager of the Halsizer Display Background Studio, Des Moines, Iowa,
gave her employment.”
I was
immediately transported back to Wilson Library’s basement, complete with hard
chairs, microfilm machines, and an endless stream of quarters. It was in the
basement of Wilson library that I carefully transcribed each line of the text from
Moses’ newspaper clippings. I didn’t own a computer at the time and would later
type up these notes. In hindsight, my handwritten transcriptions were the best
thing I could have done, as much of the information etched itself in my memory.
“Little
Theresa Sparks” was the earliest mention of an historic female scenic artist
for me. I realized there could be a hidden treasure trove of documents that
mentioned women scenic artists. There would be one – newpapers.com. So much history about women technicians has
been left out of theatre history books.
Theresa
“Tressa” M. Sparks was born in Jasper, Iowa on May 29, 1894. The 1895 Iowa
State Census lists the actual residence as Lynngrove in Jasper.” She was the
only daughter of William P. Sparks and Rosa “Rosy” Matheny. Both William and Rosy were also from Iowa,
with her paternal grandparents from Kentucky and Indiana, and her maternal
grandparents from Iowa and Virginia. William was a piano salesman and Rosy, a
seamstress. In 1905, the family was living at 1216 Third Avenue in Grinnell,
Iowa.
Theresa Sparks, called “Tessa Sparks,” pictured in her 1913 high school yearbook.
Unbelievably,
I found a picture of Tressa. She was listed in the 1913 issue of “Grinnellian,”
Grinnell’s High School Year book. Active in debate, orchestra and the glee
club, she even make it the debate preliminaries that year. At Grinnell High
School, the drawing and penmanship instructor was Miss Bessie Wallace.
Wallace’s education was from the Iowa State Teachers College (1907) and Chicago
School of Art. This would have been
Tressa’s initial Chicago art connection. Tressa completed college, but was back
as Grinnell High School as an instructor of zoology, chemistry, and the Nature
Study Club. This seems to have been her first job.
Theresa Sparks, called “Tessa Sparks,” pictured as a high school instructor in 1917.
By 1919,
Sparks was living in Des Moines, Iowa, and was listed in the City Directory as
an artist rooming at the Hotel Pershing.
This is
likely where the article that I located fits in: “Little Theresa Sparks is
another scenic artist who may be expected to reach the top. Miss Sparks is now
employed with Bodine-Spanger Studio, Chicago. Two years ago she was given her
first opportunity to demonstrate her ability when then manager of the Halsizer
Display Background Studio, Des Moines, Iowa, gave her employment.” Note that
there is no big deal made about her gender.
The
Bodine-Spanger Co. advertised as “Designers and Manufacturers of Decorative
Backgrounds for Show Windows,” with their show rooms and studio in Chicago. They
placed advertisements during 1918 in the “Merchants Record and Show Window” (Vol.
42 and Vol. 43). Located at 116 Chatham Court, Chicago, George A. Smith was
listed as the Eastern Representative with offices in 1777 Broadway, New York.
In 1918, the firm partnered with the Koester School to give instruction in the
Decorative Painting that “made his studio famous in the Window Display Field.”
Mr. Bodine was credited as being the “originator of this style of decoration”
and would teach students how to mix paints, what paints to use, how to get all
the color combinations, how to make mottled effects, blending of colors,
stencil designs and how to do decorative landscape painting “in the modern
treatment by the Bodine method.” The company was initially called j. C. Bodine,
and later the Bodine-Spanger-Janes Co.
From “Merchants Record and Show Window.”From “Merchants Record and Show Window.”
The 1920 US
Federal Census lists provides a little more information about Sparks as she was
recorded in both Des Moines and Chicago.
In both instances she was, 25 yrs. old, single, and listed as an
“artist” working in the “studio” industry. In Chicago, she was boarding in
at 1423
LaSalle St (Chicago’s Ward 21). She was
also listed as living with her parents in Des Moines. That year William P.
Sparks was still working as a piano salesman, going house to house.
Something
happened by 1930, however, as Sparks returns to Grinnell with her parents. It
was likely the market crash of 1929. The US Census lists the family living as
living at 195 Third Ave. That year, Theresa submitted “none” for occupation,
whereas her father was now listed as a musical instrument salesman and her
mother as a seamstress.
The 1940
census still lists Sparks as still living at home with her parents, now ages 72
and 70 respectively. She listed no occupation after her return to the small
town of Grinnell, Iowa, in Poweshiek County. It appears as if she was taking
care of aging parents while living at 1216 Third Street, Grinnell, Iowa.
Sparks passed
away on June 15, 1970 and is buried next to her mother Rosa.
Theresa “Tessa” Sparks is buried next to her mother in Grinnell, Iowa.
Over the
past 3 ½ years, I have explored the lives of at least two-dozen women scenic
artists, with careers that spanned from the early nineteenth century to early
twentieth century; one even ran a studio.
These are individuals whose name actually made it into print, meaning
that they were but a small percentage of women actually working as scenic
artists for theater. I think of all those unmentioned souls, the one’s whose
mere presence may have been a liability to a scenic studio at that time.
As with
other scenic artists of the day, the women painted for a variety of venues and
were well skilled in many subjects. When you factor in the incredible social
pressures for women to give up any career upon marriage and focus on raising
children, it is amazing that a few dozen were still mentioned in the
newspapers.
