Production Cost – Page 2

Tales from a Scenic Artist and Scholar. Part 1091 – “A Reform in Scenery” by Henry C. Tryon, 1884

Yesterday’s post included an article written by Henry C. Tryon and published in the “Chicago Tribune” on Dec. 28, 1884 (page 14). The headline was “SCENE-PAINTING. An Art Which Has Been Neglected and Allowed to Retrograde in Chicago.” On Dec. 19, 1884, Tyron wrote penned a response to a letter entitled “Violations of Taste in Scenery. His response was published on Dec. 21, 1884, the “Chicago Tribune” in the Amusements section (page 24). Enjoy.

AMUSEMENTS.

Why Scenery in Chicago Theatre is Shabby and in Bad Taste.

THE DRAMA.

A Reform in Scenery.

An article on the subject of scenery which was published in these columns last week protested chiefly against outraging the fundamental principle of dramatic art by mingling real with unreal conditions, and incidentally pointed out other violations of taste in matter of stage accessories. In this connection a local scenic artist writes an interesting letter wherein he supplements criticism by facts from the workshop and throws light upon the practical phases of an aesthetic question. From what he says it must be plain that artistic scenery is likely to be revived only with the stock system, and that many of the present abuses are to be attributed to the vulgar ambitions of mercenary motives of managers. Any idea that will occur to many after considering his statements is that the names of scenic artists should be put on the programs of the theatres. The letter, which in the opening sentences draws the inferences that are somewhat strained, is as follows:

“Chicago, Dec. 19.-[Editor of the Tribune]-

“As there was nothing in the dramatic line during the last week which calls for particular attention – no plays worth discussing and no acting of any consequence- the subject of scenery must be lightly touched upon.”

This is the introduction to an article in the amusement column of last Sunday’s Tribune, headed, “Violations of Taste in Scenery,” which reads as though the writer did not consider the matter of scenery to be of sufficient importance to be noticed on its merit, but simply as a means of filling his space, lacking other material.

It seems too bad that so important an element of theatrical representations should be considered to be so little of general interest, but it is a sign hopeful for scenic improvement that he has taken occasion to write on the subject whatever the cause of his doing so. He has evidently given it considerable thought, and in the right direction too. The points he makes are all true, but he possibly errs in his location of the responsibility for “violations of taste in scenery.”

He says that “since Mr. Irving’s tour through this country managers have awakened to the importance of providing the stage with suitable accessories,” and regrets “that so laudable an intention cannot be fully carried into execution.” Why not? Who is to blame? If the managers are desirous of mounting plays in an elegant manner, why don’t they do it? Because the public don’t appreciate it. And as managers conduct their business for profit, they are naturally not disposed to spend money in producing art work which will not be noticed by the public or by the press.

For eight years at one of the theatres in this city plays were mounted in a manner superior to that of any house in America and the painting was not excelled in the world. Yet it is doubtful whether 5 per cent of the play-going public of Chicago were aware of the fact – well known and universally conceded by the entire theatrical fraternity. Probably not 1 per cent of the patrons of that house knew the name of the artist or cared. The newspapers certainly took no great pains to direct attention to him or his work.

Every person in this country at all interested in theatre, whether he has ever been in New York, or not, from frequent newspaper repetition is familiar with the fact that plays are magnificently mounted at the Union Square Theatre. Here is a case where the newspapers and the public value genuine art work, and the management, finding that it is looked for an appreciated, is willing to spend the money necessary to produce it; and the artist at that house, with his three or four assistants (each a competent artist), has three months, and sometimes more, in which to get up the scenery of a piece. How is it in this city? Three or four days is the usual time left after the ‘scene plots’ are placed in the artist’s hands, and he considers himself lucky if he gets a full week.

But this is not the worst difficulty of the artist. Canvas and lumber are expensive, and the manager is not willing to provide them; consequently, the artist is obliged to use the old stuff. A general overhauling is made of the stacked-up scenery, and anything will do which is near the size of what is required – the shape doesn’t matter. It is put on the frame and it is the artist’s business to paint a row of tents on a square piece of stuff and get along the best he can. Of course, no artist can alter the form of the set piece to deceive the public. It is still obtrusively a square piece of framework and canvas. The same set pieces have done versatile duty in most of the theatres here for years.

Again, the traveling combinations get most of the money that comes into the house, and if they cannot draw on their own merits the manager feels that it is not justifiable business policy to increase his expenses when this will not add proportionately to his receipts. How can the public expect proper scenic mounting under such circumstances?

If the newspapers in this city would notice scenery in detail, giving proper credit to the artist, naming him when he does something well, and condemning him if he does something badly (if it is his fault, which the dramatic critics should take pains to ascertain) they would soon and that the public eye would be turned in the same direction, and managers would then be glad to do what your dramatic critic thinks they are now anxious to do, but which they are not.

As long as the public pass unobserved as artistic production and applaud a trick, managers whose business it is to cater to the public will give them what they want. Audiences will clap their hands with delight at a skillful mechanical change of scene or an illuminated boat crossing the stage on “set waters” with the wheels turning around; a locomotive running across the stage, or the moon passing behind the clouds with the flicker on the water – mechanical tricks which have nothing to do with art. They don’t care anything about art. They don’t know it when they see it. Was Malmsha appreciated here while he lived?

A boxed-in parlor, with a multiplicity of angles loaded with “properties” like a bric-à-brac shop, pleases the public, therefore pleases the manager, and consequently has to please the artist. It goes that way, anyhow, whether he likes it or not.

An artist may paint an arch ever so characteristic and beautiful. Nine time out of ten his manager or the manager of the visiting combination will insist upon hanging curtain in front of his architectural work. The draperies borrowed from some furniture store and the elegant brass rods which sustain them must be displayed to their best advantage, and the protests of the artist are unheard.

No matter how an interior may be painted, if it is literally covered with elegant borrowed furniture, covering all the character in the scene, the “set” delights all. No matter how elegant and artistic the scene may be, without this trumpery it attracts no attention from anybody, and this is the first time any newspaper in Chicago has noted this. The artists are glad of it, even though it has been made the occasion for an undeserved attack upon their taste.

In Europe and in the leading theatres in the East the scenic artist has entire charge of everything that makes up the stage picture, limited only by the requirements of the “business” of the play. This properly and naturally, should be the case in this city, but practically he is overruled just enough to call forth the objections of right-thinking and discerning critics. Your dramatic editor has got the correct idea, and he has only to note violations of taste and encourage managers and artists by also noting exhibitions of taste as they occur, and he will influence the theatre people to take such care as in the Eastern cities.

Could the managers be assured of the same recognition of true art work as the Union Square Theatre constantly received there is no doubt but they would be glad to make the same efforts here, and the public would then find that the artists are here, and have been all the time, and it is not their fault nor their lack of ability that has prevented the proper mounting of plays heretofore. If the artists now in Chicago could have the opportunity of producing anything like what we are capable of doing the discerning public would be astonished at their artistic ability, now practically latent.

It is undeniable that our people have made great strides in art culture in the last few years, and if their attention is properly directed in the matter there is no doubt but that they will soon become as appreciative of true art in stage pictures as they are now in home decorations.

-H. C. Tryon

On the same page of the “Chicago Tribune” article above, an announcement reported, “Apropos of the subject of scenery, The Haverly Theatre recently burned a large number of old “sets,” their destruction being the only guarantee that they would not at some time be pressed into service.” (21 Dec 1884, page 24).

To be continued…

A repainted nineteenth-century set piece at the Tabor Opera House in Leadville is an example of Henry C. Tryon’s statement: “A general overhauling is made of the stacked-up scenery, and anything will do which is near the size of what is required – the shape doesn’t matter… The same set pieces have done versatile duty in most of the theatres here for years.”

The original set piece was intended to be displayed with a practical door.

Tales from a Scenic Artist and Scholar. Part 1084 – The Little Rock Scottish Rite, 1921

In 1921 Thomas G. Moses wrote, “Made a side trip to Little Rock to settle on the Scottish Rite Temple. I hope to be able to close the contract very soon. I enjoyed the trip as I saw some very interesting old buildings.” He later returned to Little Rock that summer, writing, “I spent a week and closed the contract for $9,548.00.” This was a verbal closure and all preliminary; the final contract would not be signed until 1923.

Scottish Rite scenery projects were massive and sometimes took years to land, and months to actually paint. Masonic stock scenery collections were often more than twice the size of that delivered to a commercial theater, ranging from 80 to 120 drops with dozens of set pieces. Masons did not always understand what they were purchasing or receiving, so the numbers went up and down as specific settings were added or removed during contract negotiations. I am beginning to realize that there were few Scottish Rite Masons who understood the complexity of what was delivered or how to effectively use it. During the early twentieth century, the company selling the product often sent a representative to help stage and run the scenery during the first Scottish Rite reunion. Masonic stagehands were instructed in the appropriate handling of drops and the set up for stage effects.

By the time Scottish Rite Valleys purchased a second set of scenery, often from the same firm, there was no longer training offered with the installation. In some ways this is understandable; members were familiar with using painted settings for degree work. However, as time passed much information became lost in translation. It is like playing a game of telephone with a bunch of older white men, some hard of hearing; important information gets dropped and what made sense in the beginning becomes something entirely different. Even the origins of the scenery become a little murky or completely lost.

Backstage at the Little Rock Scottish Rite, picture in a 1904 Reunion program.

To be continued…

Tales from a Scenic Artist and Scholar. Part 1055: The Algeria Shrine Temple in Helena, Montana, 1920

In 1920 Thomas G. Moses wrote, “My models for the Shrine got us a good contract in Helena, Montana, something over $11,000.00.”

This was the Algeria Mosque for the Ancient Arabic Order of the Nobles of the Mystic Shrine, also known as the Algeria Shrine Temple. Designed by George S. Carsley and Charles S. Haire, the building included a 17-story minuet. When the structure was completed, local newspapers announced that 3,500 individuals could fit in the auditorium (Glasgow Courier, 8 April 1921, page 2).

The Shrine Temple, also known as the Algeria Mosque, in Helena, Montana.

Helena Shrine Temple, the Algeria Mosque.

On Dec. 10, 1920, the “Glasgow Courier” reported, “Algeria Temple is planning one of its most important ceremonials next March, when the new mosque will be dedicated, and it is expected the officers of the imperial council will be present. In addition, invitations will be sent to many of the leading Shriners in North America. The date for the ceremonial will be announced later. It is understood a large class will be on hand for the trip over the sands at that time” (page 1).

From the “Conrad Independent,” 20 May 1920, page 9

The cornerstone laying ceremony was planned for June 19, 1920, immediately after the four-day Scottish Rite Reunion. On April 8, 1921, special trains carrying Shriners arrived in Helena for the dedication of the building (“Independent-Record,” 26 March 1921, page 9). The “Glasgow Courier” reported, “Chicago, Sioux City, Spokane, Omaha and St. Paul are sending large delegations. Great Falls, Billings, Butte, Miles City and Missoula are planning for special pullman loads of stockmen, businessmen and bankers. The Helena commercial club, which is in charge of local arrangements is expecting to take care of 1500 people” (April 8, 1921, page 2).

On April 9, the “Butte Miner” reported, “With more than 3,000 out of town members of the Mystic Shrine in attendance, the new temple of the Algeria Shrine (Helena) was dedicated today. Imperial Potentate Ellis Lewis Garretson was here from Tacoma, Wash., and officiated at the dedicatory ceremonies. A large class was initiated into the order at a ceremonial last night when the new temple was used for initiation for the first time” (April 9, 1921, page 1).

The building changed hands after extensive damage caused from an earthquake in 1935. As Shriners were unable to fund the necessary repairs, the city purchased the building by 1938.

Damage to the Shrine Temple in 1935. Image from “Helena As She Was” – http://www.helenahistory.org/civic_center.htm

Repair after the 1935 earthquake. Image from “Helena As She Was” – http://www.helenahistory.org/civic_center.htm

In 1939 a fire station was added to the structure and the building became home to government departments until 1979. The Algerian Temple is now known as the Helena Civic Center. For more information about the space, visit “Helena As She Was” – http://www.helenahistory.org/civic_center.htm

To be continued…

Tales from a Scenic Artist and Scholar. Part 1047 – The Board Walk Show at the St. Louis Coliseum 1920

In February 1920, Thomas G. Moses wrote, “Went to St. Louis and closed the deal for $3,000.00 for the boardwalk show.” Upon his return to Chicago, he wrote, “I started a model for the board-walk show for a St. Louis party. They want to put it up at the St. Louis Coliseum.” At the time Moses was working at the Chicago Studios and had painted scenery for a similarly themed event in Chicago. The St. Louis project was planned for the week of April 5 to 14.

On January 21, 1920, the “St. Louis Star and Times” announced, “For the first time since the world has been free of war and rumors of war St. Louis society women and girls are planning a great bazaar to be given at the Coliseum Easter Week…The entertainment will be in the form of an ‘Atlantic City Board Walk,’ something on the order of a recent bazaar given in Chicago. It will resemble the fashion show given at the Coliseum a year or so before America entered the war in 1917 and will be the first large affair disassociated from war charities of our own on other nations since 1915” (page 11).

Of the Coliseum decorations, the article continued, “The interior of the great edifice will be draped to represent Atlantic City – with seas on one side, the boardwalk in the center and the booths and shops on the other side. There will be every sort of amusement afforded in the booths. Visitors may stroll in the fashionable parade up and down the bard walk or may ride in the chairs, which will be imported for the occasion from Atlantic City.”

The show was for the benefit of the teachers’ endowment funds at Washington University and Smith and Bryn Mawr Colleges. The “St. Louis Post-Dispatch” noted, “An effort is being made through various means in all parts if the country to raise $4,000,000 for Smith College and $2,000,000 each for Bryn Mawr and Washington University. In the interest of this movement the ‘Board Walk’ entertainment has been given in a number of large cities. It is said to have netted more than $90,000 for the fund in Chicago recently” (20 April 1920, page 3).

Moses was intimately involved with the Chicago board walk, having also painted a large panorama for the event. Of his board walk design for St. Louis, the article continued, “Everything which can be accomplished with artificial scenery has been done to transform the interior of the Coliseum into a duplication of Atlantic City’s famous Board Walk. A canvas curtain of blue, representing the sky has been suspended all around the hall so as to cut off the view of tiers of seats and in front of the boxes there will be a setting representing the ocean. The board walk extending from one end of the arena to the other will be 42 feet wide, with sand on either side to simulate a beach.”

One week before the event, the “St. Louis Post-Dispatch” reported the arrival of scenic decorations for the Coliseum: “Three carloads of scenery will be required for the boardwalk spectacle to be given at the Coliseum next week for the benefit of the salary endowment fund for Washington University, Smith and Bryn Mawr College. The scenery, which represents the board walk at Atlantic City, arrived yesterday from Chicago. Fifteen carloads of sand will be used for the ‘beach.’ A number of pretty girls in bathing costumes will decorate the beach” (28 March 1920, page 56).

the St. Louis Board Walk Show parade, from the “St. Louis Star and Times,” 5 April 1920, page 3

The event began on April 5 with a large Atlantic City board walk parade, consisting of thirty-five autos and floats that traveled through business streets. The “St. Louis Star” reported, “The walk itself is 42 feet long, and is flanked on each side with sand, to represent a beach. There will be a restaurant, amusement featured and a dance pavilion in addition to the shops” (page 3). The “St Louis Post-Dispatch” announced, “Carnival Crowd Fills Shops at Board Walk. Even most out-of-way booths at Coliseum do rushing business and record for one night’s receipts is apparently broken” (11 April, page 3). The newspaper article described, “Those who attended for the first time were surprised at the beauty of the show as a spectacle. The scores of girls in quaint and fetching costumes, the gay coloring of the shops and the artistic displays in some of them, the very largeness of the show, were impressive to many who saw it for the first time.

The largest source of revenue was from the advanced ticket sales of 28,000 tickets totaling $12,000. Program advertisement space bringing in an additional $9,200. On April 18, 1920, the “St. Louis Post-Dispatch” reported “Board Walk Receipts Count Passes $74,000.” It was the candy shop that ended up taking in the most money, $3,602.0” (page 3).

In the end it was successful, but quite a noisy affair. One reporter wrote, “But one thing that was everywhere – pervasive, baffling, unescapable- was noise. A band at each end of the place and an orchestra in the basement; the megaphone bellowing of amateur ballyhoo men; the constant querulous chorus of girls selling ice cream, flowers, face powder, toy balloons and chances on every kind of character of commodity form pearl necklace to a prize heifer, combined to make a veritable babel” (St. Louis Star, April 18, 1920).

To be continued…

Tales from a Scenic Artist and Scholar. Part 1045 – Katzenjammer Kids, 1920

In 1920, Thomas G. Moses wrote, “The first of February we closed with Gatts for a $2,000.00 Katzenjammer Kids production.”

From the “Ridgewood Herald News,” Aug 13, 1920, page 6.

Katzenjammer Kids scenery by Thomas G. Moses. From “The Courier,” 22 Aug, 1920 , page 6.

Moses had worked with Gatts on a few Katzenjammer Kids productions prior to 1920. In 1917, Moses wrote, “Closed a contract for two scenes with Gatts and Company, $825.00 for ‘Katzenjammer Kids.’ We hustled it out.” Later in 1917, Moses added, “Another order for Gatts and Company.”

This was actually Gazzolo, Gatts, and Clifford Inc., a production company that formed in the fall of 1916, filing corporation papers in Chicago, Illinois. The company copyrighted the Katzenjammer Kids by 1917 when the Katzenjammer show went on the road. By 1920 the Katzenjammer Kids, Hans and Fritz, were played by Henry and Pau Washer and noted as “miniature men of considerable ability” (Greenville News, 7 March 1920, page 6). Mrs. Ludwina Katzenjammer played the mother of “mama’s angel children” and William J. Hoyt portrayed the Captain. The scenery and costumeds were also highlighted in newspaper reviews.

From the “News and Observer,” March 30, 1920, page 17.

The Katzenjammer Kids was a comic strip concerning two mischievous little German fellows, Hans and Fritz, first appearing in 1897. This comic strip was first turned into a stage play in 1903. In 1917, the Katzenjammer Kids was advertised as a “cartoon musical comedy” produced by Gazzolo, Gatts and Clifford. Hans, Fritz, Ma Katzenjammer, Der Professor, Der Captain and the other characters were featured in the production. Donald M. Bestor composed the music and Virgil M. Bennee choreographed the musical numbers. The play was staged in three acts, the first showing a hotel, the second a dock scene and the third the Hawaiian Islands. Of the 1917 production, “The Indianapolis Star” reported, “Particular care has been taken with the staging and costuming of the Katzenjammer Kids. The fashion plate chorus is gowned in various fetching evening gowns, all of which match harmoniously with the beautiful stage pictures and novel electrical effects” (15 March 1917, page 3).

From the “Evening News,” 26 Aug 1920, page 10.

Only the name was changed during the war years, when all things German were suspect. By 1920, the “Albany Democrat” commented, “How soon we forget. Already the name Katzenjammer Kids appears again. On account of prejudice, during the war, it was changed to the Shenanigan Kids” (6 Aug. 1920, page 4). On March 31, 1920, “The News and Observer” reported, “Hans and Fritz of cartoon fame and with whom every man, woman and child are acquainted either as ‘The Katzenjammer Kids,’ ‘The Katzies” or ‘The Shenanigan Kids,’ will present the latest edition of ‘The Katzenjammer Kids’ at the Academy of Music this afternoon matinee and tonight. The offering is a delightful musical comedy with book and lyrics by John P, Mulgrew, and music by Donald H. Hester. Tunes of mellow deliciousness abound in this appealing comedy, and will rock with laughter at the mirth-provoking doings of ‘Hans and Fritz,’ the Captain and Mrs. Katzenjammer. Clean, healthful comedy, free from salacious and indecent, is a feature of the performance. A 99-year guarantee is handed out with every ticket that the performance will turn a sober, staid citizen into a twin cousin of St. Vitus or a Charley Chaplain” (Raleigh, North Carolina, page 7).

On August 30, 1920, the “Albany Democrat” reported, “The Katzenjammer Kids is a rapid-fire comedy of mirth and laughter. The beauty of feminine members of the company is enhanced by costumes and the latest designs. Twenty-three musical numbers are rendered during the action of the comedy High-class specialties and original novelties are agreeable features of the performance. It is the most enjoyable cartoon musical comedy of the season, and if you have a laugh left in your system, go and see ‘Hans and Fritz’ and their friends and be sure to take the kiddies for they know how to laugh” (page 4). By Nov. 15, 1920, “The Pantagraph,” announced, “Katzenjammer Kids is the most massively and magnificently mounted and costumed cartoon play ever produced. One of its features is the big fashion parade. The beauties of the chorus in the ensemble number are gowned in the latest feminine fashions that are up to the minutes, which will surely prove an interesting feature for the ladies” (Bloomington, Illinois, page 5). In Lancaster, Pennsylvania, the “News-Journal,” noted, “The beautiful scenic pictures” of the Katzenjammer show (9 Dec. 1920, page 2).

From the “Fort Worth Star Telegram,” 12 Sept 1920 page 58.

To be continued…

Tales from a Scenic Artist and Scholar. Part 1020 – Ancient Arabic Order of the Nobles of the Mystic Shrine in Pittsburgh and Denver, 1919

In 1919 Thomas G. Moses wrote, “A large drop curtain for Pittsburg Shrine took up a lot of my time, it being over 70’ long and 26’ high. I did the picturesque city of Tiberius, and it made a good picture. A heavy gold frame gave it a very Oriental feeling.”

Previously, Moses closed an $8575.00 contract for Pittsburgh’s 3,700-seat Syria Shrine Mosque theater (see past post 906, https://drypigment.net2020/01/19/tales-from-a-scenic-artist-and-scholar-part-906-the-pittsburgh-shrine-1915/). In 1915, he wrote “May 15^th, I went to Pittsburg with my big models for the Shrine and closed for $8,575.00.” A year later Moses wrote, “The Syria Temple of Pittsburg is still jogging along. If they don’t get it under roof pretty soon, we will have the scenery finished long before they are ready for it.” On October 27, 1916, the “Record-Argus” reported, “Syria Mosque Dedicated by Shriners.” The article continued, “Syria Temple, the new $1,000,000 mosque of the Ancient Arabic Order of Nobles of the Mystic Shrine of Pittsburgh, was formally dedicated Thursday afternoon…. Following the dedicatory exercises a banquet, attended by 5,000 Shriners was served in the dining hall of the temple…Nearly 700 prospective Shriners were also dined and occupied positions as guests with out-of-town visitors. Thursday night the largest class of candidates was initiated. The number ran close to 700 and is probably the largest to be accepted at one time in the history of the Shrine…Initiation took place in the auditorium, the officers in the charge wearing new costumes. During both ceremonies the elaborate lighting system was demonstrated. Rays from two search light machines, made soft, played in the stage throughout.” (Greenville, Pennsylvania, page 1). This provides context in regard to the scale of Shrine initiations in 1919, as that year Moses also designed and painted scenery for Denver’s El Jebel Shrine ceremonies.

In the summer of 1919, Moses wrote, “In August I made a number of Shrine models for Denver and we received a contract.” “The Indian Journal” of Eufaula, Oklahoma described the El Jebel Temple was “one of Denver’s most beautiful and imposing buildings” (23 Oct. 1919, page 1). It may have been a lovely theater, but it was not grand enough for a massive gathering of Shriners on Nov. 21, 1919.

The El Jebel Shrine theater was too small for the ceremonial production in 1919, causing the Shriners to rent the Denver Auditorium.

For the event, Shriners staged the Shrine ceremonial at the Denver Auditorium, complete with special scenery. Moses recorded that the scenery shipped from Chicago on November 1, 1919; plenty of time for transportation, inspection and installation at the Denver Auditorium. The event was a multi-state Shrine initiation. On Nov. 28, 1919, the “Western Kansas News” announced, “Initiation at Denver was biggest Masonic affair ever held in the West.” The article continued, “The initiation was the greatest every attempted by any Shrine in the west. The cost of the scenery and other essentials represented an expenditure of over $11,000. The large and beautiful Shrine Temple in Denver was entirely too small for the event which resulted in securing the Denver Auditorium for the ceremonial. The large auditorium which seats many thousand people was crowded to its doors by Shriners from Colorado, Kansas, Wyoming and New Mexico. This was a big production for Moses and by the end of the year he reflected, “While we have been very busy the whole year, we have not done any very notable productions, excepting the Coliseum shows and Denver.” The demand for painted scenery was down everywhere, except for Masonic productions. The fraternity was alive and thriving.

The massive interior of the Denver Auditorium provided ample room for a large Shrine event.

The Denver Auditorium was the location for a massive Shrine initiation in 1919.

To be continued…

Tales from a Scenic Artist and Scholar. Part 998 – The Hamlin Theatre Picture Set, Chicago, 1918

In the life and times of Those G. Moses, it’s September 1918. Moses is now working for New York Studios, having resigned as president of Sosman & Landis on September 1, 1918. On October 10, he will be injured when a boy riding a bicycle accidentally knocks him down in the street.

By mid-September Moses was looking for a studio to paint in He wrote, “We got the 20^th Street Studio for a month to month rental. It is pretty cold there but we can manage to keep going. We made Models and received the picture set order for the Hamlin Theatre. $1,000.00 is not much for the set.”

Chicago’s Hamlin Theatre was constructed in 1914 and located at 3826 West Madison Street, it was a 298-set venue that would close by 1929. According to cinematreasures.org, the space was later converted into an AmVets Hall (http://cinematreasures.org/theaters/45100). I have only identified a few advertisements for the movie house to date. The Hamlin Theater is a hard one to track down because over the years there were a few Hamlin Theaters that operated in Chicago during the late nineteenth and early twentieth century.

In addition to the 1914 Hamlin Theatre, there were two other Hamlin Theatres built in Chicago during 1926; one was on W. Madison and the other on W. Belmont. The one that Moses delivered the picture set to was for the one on W. Madison.

Over the past few years, the most difficult part in tracking down Moses’ theater projects is locating the correct venue. Many theaters across the country used the same name because they were part of a circuit. Think of the names like Orpheum, Lyceum, Fox, Majestic, and so on. There were also some cities that had multiple theaters with the same name; I just don’t understand this at all. In a few cases, two theaters with the same name would open with the same name in the same year. Why anyone ever thought this was a good idea is astounding, as it never ended well as simply confused people.

When Moses received the picture set order for the Hamlin Theatre in 1918, it was primarily a movie house. By 1917, the Hamlin featured the same films as the Kimbark Theatre, Milford Theatre, Oakland Sq. Theatre, Lane Ct. Theatre, Ziegfeld Theatre and Halfield Theatre.

Advertisement in the “Chicago tribune” 23 April 1919, page 20.

The actual project that Moses was referring to included the painted surround for a projection screen. Unlike today’s use of a simply white screen, elaborate compositions filled the area between the projection surface and the proscenium arch. What makes this confusing, however, is the use of the term “picture set.” In 1918, “picture set” was used to identify the painted surround manufactured by scenic studios for movie theaters. It also identified the actual settings used for films, such as the picture set for “Tarzan of the Apes.”

On Oct. 27, 1918, the “Boston Globe” also introduced a new definition for “pictures sets” (page 36). An article reported, “There are four stages used in “Chin Chin Chow” at the Schubert Theatre – the regular stage, and three small miniature stages on rollers, which show what are known as the “picture sets” being like small scenes viewed through a window. This stage device is new and somewhat resembles the closeups of the movies, only on a bigger scale.” This last use of “picture sets” has me a little baffled. For a little context about the production, “Chu Chin Chow” was a massive spectacle set in ancient Bagdad. The show included fourteen scenes with eighteen musical numbers and a company of three hundred.

To be continued…

Tales from a Scenic Artist and Scholar. Part 979 – Movie Fans, 1918

In 1918, Thomas G. Moses wrote, “The Majestic Theatre and Palace Music Hall had us all do their work as usual, but not very much new work.” “But not very much new work” is very telling. The industry was in a state of turmoil and business was becoming erratic for scenic artists. They could no longer anticipate a steady stream of work; it was as if someone had turned down the valve and projects were now slowly trickling out.

There were some supply shortages too, with elevated prices due to war rationing. By late spring, Moses wrote, “Our business is not good – far from it. Raw material has advanced so rapidly that we are unable to keep up with it, and I am very much worried about the outcome.” The studio did not have enough work to keep Moses on full-time, and he was the president of the company. By summer Moses noted, “June business had a slump, so I took a little time to plant our first garden, and we had some garden. It was a little hard at first, but soon I got used to it and rather liked it. My neighbors insisted on making fun of me as they claimed that was the first real work they ever saw me do. I wish they could see me lay in a big wood drop on a hot summer’s day. I think they would change their minds about my easy work.”

In addition to the decline of work, scarcity of materials due to the war, there was another obstacle that was forever growing bigger – the popularity of movies. In 1918, Moses wrote, “Mama and I have become movie fans. Many of the pictures are very good, while some are far from it.” The rise of movie fans reflected a shift in audience expectations. By fall, Moses would resign as the president of Sosman & Landis, hoping for greener pastures with New York Studios.

But a new threat was on the horizon for Moses and many theaters employees; one that would throw another wrench into the works – the Spanish Flu – and it hit theaters hard. Moses possibly picked the worst time to leave Sosman & Landis.

From the “Chicago Tribune, 10 Oct 1918, page 14

On Oct. 27, 1918, “The Des Moines Register” reported, “Appetites of Movie Fans, Whetted by Lack of Shows, Manager Says” (page 27). The article announced, “Local Film Houses Expect Big Rush of Business As Soon As Quarantine for Flu is Lifted.” Here is the article:

“What are the movie fans all doing while the theaters are closed on account of the ‘flu,” and what will be the after effect of going for two weeks without a glimpse of fascinating Douglas, excruciating Charlie, bewitching Mary, thrilling Theda – or whomsoever else may happen to be a particular film god or goddess that attracts one irresistibly to the movies?

Answers to these questions are as varied and numerous as the persons asked; more varied, even, than the classes who make up the crowds that daily and nightly pack the movie theatres to their full seating capacities when they are in operation.

As to what their patrons are doing during their enforced vacation, proprietors and managers of local moving picture houses have apparently given scant thought, but they are all of one mind regarding the psychological effect to be expected when the ban has been lifted.

‘Don’t know what they’re doing in the meanwhile – probably reading magazines, visiting among themselves or, maybe, helping make face masks to hasten the end of quarantine,” is about the way the average movie manager sums up the situation.

‘But when the shows reopen, they’ll fairly eat them up! Their appetites will be whetted up: they’ll be less critical – not so prone to pick flaws and criticize as they were before. Get out of the movie habit? No danger! It would take a generation to accomplish that. Attendance will be greater than ever when the quarantine is lifted.’

Acting on that conviction, the movie magnates are having their houses renovated and made more attractive on the inside and out – are planning irresistible drawing cards to present when they reopen – and are tightening up all the loose screws in the seats which are to accommodate record breaking crowds.

‘I only hope that the type known as ‘movie fiends’ are improving the opportunity by staying at home and cultivating the acquaintances of their families,’ says City Mother McMichael; who goes on to explain that she is not opposed to clean, wholesome movies; in fact, she enjoys them. She believes the moving picture film possesses marvelous potential educational value – which, unfortunately, is being largely neglected, while the baser instincts of the public, particularly the younger people, are appealed to and inflamed by sey [sic.] films which do irreparable harm.

‘Maybe the boys who have been shut out of the pool halls will get acquainted with the girls who have been spending all their evenings at the movies, and – there’s no telling what will happen then,’ suggest a policeman, who considers Billy West superior to Charlie Chaplin.

‘The movie fans are reading,’ was an instantaneous reply of a young woman behind the counter of a city library. ‘The demand for books, since the closing order went into effect, amounts almost to a stampede. Thousands of strange faces are lining up at this counter daily, seeking literary substitutes for movie thrills.

‘What class of literature? Fiction – of the ‘popular’ variety. Problem novels are in greatest demand, particularly those that have been dramatized or filmed. Suppose they are reading up on the stories, which they have visualized on the screen. Oh no, there is no appreciable increase in the demand for books on domestic science, the arts, or technical subject.

‘Psychological effect?’ repeated Be Woolgar, superintendent of public safety. ‘I don’t know what effect the closing order will have o the movie fan, but when the theaters reopen they’ve got to pay more attention to the matter of keeping the red lights burning at all emergency exits.”

To be continued…

Tales from a Scenic Artist and Scholar. Part 972 – Collecting Payment from H. Robert Law, 1918

Sosman & Landis were still waiting for the final payments related to government cantonment theater work in January 1918. In 1917, Thomas G. Moses wrote, “We closed a contract with H. Robert Law of New York City for a lot of scenery for the Government Cantonment Theatres. First contract was $12,600.00, second $3,600.00, and third $980.00 for installing one job. All to be completed November 7^th – some hustling. I went down to the studio on five Sundays – something I haven’t done in fifteen years, and every night until 8:30. Some of the boys slept in the studio. Everyone hustled. We completed the work on the day set and inside of a week it was all out of the studio.” This was a project to help the war effort; a big one that brought in $17,180 in a short period of time. That is the monetary equivalent of $364,438.00 today; no small project.

On January 3, Moses left Akron, Ohio, and headed to New York City, where he planned to “settle up with the Government work with Law.” Of the trip between Akron and New York, Moses wrote, “All day a cold car. The first time I ever had to keep my overcoat on in a sleeping car. Very cold all night – no lights in the car, everything was frozen. Nine hours late. After leaving Philadelphia, we passed a bad wreck. A passenger train had run into another one standing on the side track. The engine had plowed through the rear coach, which happened to be a “dead head.” No one in it. The coach settled down on the engine, covering it completely. Strange to say, no one was badly hurt. Transacted my business in one day.” Unfortunately, the trip was not a success. Sosman & Landis would have to send another representative to New York later that year to collect the final payment. Of this second trip, Moses wrote, “Lester Landis went to New York and finally got a settlement with Law for our government work. It has cost us a good bit to get it settled.”

This becomes a reoccurring theme in the final years of Sosman & Landis, one that directly contributes to the eventual closure of the firm.

At the end of 1917, Moses wrote, “The greatest handicap to a profit sharing business is procrastination among the managers. The eleventh hour idea of getting scenery, we can either take it, or work night and day to get it out on a close margin, or let it alone and allow someone else to creep in and steal our business.” This represented one hardship the firm was repeatedly encountering. Add on collecting funds on projects with a “close margin,” such as the Law project. It took two trips to New York, sending a Sosman & Landis representative to meet with Law in person to collect the owed funds. Two trips, with train fare, lodging expense and meals, plus the loss of time on other projects to collect money for completed work. I then look at the career of H. Robert Law, who was in and out of courts for much of his career, also trying to collect payment for his work (see past post #962). What a mess.

The theatre industry, like any other business, is based on trust; the understanding that you will be paid for your work as identified in contractual agreements. Unfortunately, that is not always the case. Many of us have weighed the options when trying to collect money from clients for completed work. For Sosman & Landis in 1918, additional project-related expenses included two trips to New York and the loss of time. Much remains unknown about the work contracted with H. Robert Law Studios in 1917. It is possible that Sosman & Landis were simply subcontractors to Law, and he was also waiting for payment from the US government.

The point of this tale in the big picture for the studio is money owed for completed work. The delayed payment in 1918 did not cause Sosman & Landis to crumble in the same way that might have been the case with a smaller firm. However, it did leave a mark, and those marks turned into a major scar. A series of projects with delays and non-payments eventually took a toll on the studio. Keep in mind that Sosman & Landis financed the stage portions of many Scottish Rite theater projects for almost two decades – 1/3 upon delivery, 1/3 a year later and the final 1/3 a year after that. That work made up approximately 25% of all projects for twenty years. I the end, Sosman & Landis had consistent difficulties in collecting the final payment from many Scottish Rite Valleys; this was well after the client had received the contracted goods in their entirety. The continued absence of money owed added up in the end. It became the perfect storm to cause a studio’s downfall. This occurred at the same time that demand for painted scenery began to diminish. And in the midst of these difficulties, studio founder Joseph S. Sosman passed away and a series of internal struggles began. Times were certainly changing for the major theatrical supplier.

To be continued…

Tales from a Scenic Artist and Scholar. Part 969 – The State of Sosman & Landis, 1917-1918

At the close of 1917, Thomas G. Moses wrote, “We have had a good year as far as quantity is concerned, but I hope we have made some money. The payroll has kept up on account of the night work. The greatest handicap to a profit sharing business is procrastination among the managers. The eleventh hour idea of getting scenery, we can either take it, or work night and day to get it out on a close margin, or let it alone and allow someone else to creep in and steal our business. No vacation this year and very little picture painting. Quit the camp very early.” In 1918, Moses wrote, “Our business is not good – far from it. Raw material has advanced so rapidly that we are unable to keep up with it, and I am very much worried about the outcome.” By summer Moses wrote, “I have not been out to Fox Lake this year, the first I have missed in twelve years. The business is in such an upset condition that I felt I should stick to it.” But Moses couldn’t weather this particular storm, and by the end of summer in 1918 wrote, “September 1^st, I resigned as President of the Sosman and Landis Company which severs my connection with the firm after thirty-eight years of service. I joined the New York Studios and expect to get a studio and an office to do business…The Sosman and Landis Company have only done $85,000.00 worth of work for the past year. We should have done about $116,000.00 worth to make money.” It was not until 1923 that Moses and Fred R. Megan would purchase “the name and good will of Sosman and Landis Company.”

Like many American studios, Sosman & Landis weathered many economic downturns since their establishment in 1877. Although WWI provided a brief period of economic growth, an economic recession continued after WWI. As military veterans returned to civilian life, there was a surge in the labor pool and problems ensued as veterans were absorbed back into peace-time production. This also affected the theatre industry. During the war years, there was a certain percentage of work directly related to wartime propaganda and patriotic-themes shows. However, between January 1920 and July 1921, America dipped into a depression. Ironically, this is the same time that Prohibition began. There are a few economic factors to consider as I examine the life and times of Moses before his purchase of the Sosman & Landis name in 1923. I believe that Moses’ 1918 departure signals the end of the firm. With both founders gone. Moses was the institutional memory and intimately connected with most of the projects since 1880.

In April 1917, Congress declared war on German. By October 1917 Congress passed the War Revenue Act. This bill lowered the number of tax exemptions while increasing tax rates. For example, an individual with a $40,000 annual income was subject to a 16 percent tax rate, while an individual with an income of $1.5 million was subject to a 67 percent. Tax revenue increased from $809 million in 1917 to a whopping $3.6 billion in 1918, a much-needed increase for adapt for war-related expenses.

Keep in mind that between 1916 and 1918 the U. S. expenses for troop training, weapons and munitions increased fifteen fold. This means that by the time World War I ended, income tax generated from the War Revenue Act had paid for only one-third of all war expenses. Spending outpaced funding for the war, and the government implemented the sale of war bonds to help cover the gap. By the spring of 1918 the federal government had sold approximately 10 billion dollars worth of war bonds and treasury certificates. There is a fascinating article about the Federal Reserve’s role in WWI too: https://www.federalreservehistory.org/essays/feds_role_during_wwi

As American went to war, there are a few factors to consider about its citizens. In 2017, “The Saturday Evening Post” published an article on “The Average American Today and on the Eve of World War I,” noting, “What it means to be an ‘Average American’ today is in many ways so different from what it meant a century ago, when the United States entered World War I.” Here are a few numbers provided in the article:

In 1917, there were 103 million Americans.

In 1917, 86% of the American population was Caucasian.

In 1917, American women couldn’t vote, couldn’t obtain birth control, and had a life expectancy on 49 years. The life expectancy of American men was 47 years.

In 1917, 14% of American homes had bathtubs with running water.

In 1917, 18% of American households had one live-in servant.

In 1917, only 10% of American men graduated from high school.

1917 postcard for sale on Etsy:
https://www.etsy.com/ie/listing/769442304/1917-patriotic-postcard-with-flags?ga_order=most_relevant&ga_search_type=all&ga_view_type=gallery&ga_search_query=1917+postcard&ref=sr_gallery-1-3

To be continued…