Scenic Artists – Page 20

Tales from a Scenic Artist and Scholar. Part 364 – “How Theatrical Scenery is Made,” 1898 (Physioc’s studio, part 1)

Part 364: “How Theatrical Scenery is Made,” 1898 (Physioc’s studio, part 1)

To fully understand the life and times of Thomas G. Moses, I am including a newspaper article describing a New York scenic studio from 1898. It provides great insight into the scenic art profession at the end of the nineteenth century. The article describes J. A. Physioc’s studio and his art. It was published in “The World” (New York, 6 March 1898, page 43). By 1899, Moses would also work in New York for Henry Savage at the American Theatre. Physioc was only one of many scenic artists whom Moses would compete with for work in the Big Apple. Here is a little background on Physioc to place him in context.

Joseph Allen Physioc (1866-1951) was born in Richmond, Virginia to J. T. Physioc. J. T. Physioc would later be listed as president of Physioc Studios, Inc., with his son and grandson as treasurer and secretary. The Physioc family moved to Columbia, South Carolina, when Joseph was four years old. Interestingly, one of Joseph’s childhood playmates was Woodrow Wilson (Tampa Times, 4 August 1951, page 2).

Physioc’s theatrical career started in small venues thoughout the south. He tried his hand in Alabama, and then headed to New York City after gaining some experience. He studied his trade at the Metropolitan Opera while working as an assistant designer (Index Journal, Greenwood, SC, 4 August, 1951, page 3).

By the age of 27, Physioc received a contract to stage Bernard Shaw’s “Arms and the Man” for Richard Mansfield at the Herald Square Theatre. His success with this play and others propelled him to rank among those at the top of his profession in New York. Physioc worked as Augustin Daly’s “house artist” at Daly’s Theatre in New York City and for twelve years traveled with Richard Mansfield as his “special artist.” Later in life, he moved to Columbia, returning to his family after his eyesight began to fail and he could no longer paint. In 1951, Physioc passed away at his son’s home (Joseph A. Physioc, Jr.).

Advertisement in Julius Cahn’s Official Theatrical Guide for Physioc Studio Co. from 1900.

I am posting this article describing Physioc’s studio and his artistic process during 1898 in four installments due to its length. It was the second line of the article that caught my eye when I was doing research, especially after delving into the histories of Strong, McDonald, and other scenic artists who belonged to the Theatrical Mechanics Association. The top scenic artists were also knowledgeable stage mechanics. Physioc was also an electrician.

Here is the first installment of the article:

“The studio of Physioc is a workshop as well. He says that no man can be a really successful scene painter unless he is also a stage mechanic. His success has made his opinion of value. He painted Daly’s and Mansfield’s scenery for years. The young man’s studio is a wonderful place. To begin with it is perhaps the largest in the world. It occupies the greater part of what was a five-story stable at No. 519 West Thirty-eighth Street.

The building was in the form of the letter U, Physioc filled the front with glass and roofed the open space with a skylight. You ascend to the studio by means of fire escapes on either side. Between them are suspended paint frames. The frames can be lowered forty feet. Four drops can be painted at one time. A cyclorama drop, that is, one which encircles the whole stage, ninety feet wide, can be painted without rolling. This is the advantage of the great space. The paint-bridge is always stationary.

Sectional of Physioc’s Studio from “The World” (New York, 6 March 1898, page 43).

Detail of Physioc’s Studio from “The World” (New York, 6 March 1898, page 43).

In addition to the paint-bridge there are property rooms where all manner of things for the stage are made: the electric-light room, the model room and the miniature stage.

“Usually a scenic artist does nothing but paint,” says Physioc, “Yet he is held responsible for the whole setting and scene. The properties are very important accessories. Therefore I design and make them all. This insures a harmony, a completeness and accuracy which might be otherwise be lacking. I take it that the modern idea of stage scenes requires an artistic whole, a finished creation. I know exactly what the effect will be before a scene is painted.

I not only design the scene myself, but I make the accessories and arrange the lighting, which is almost as important as the scenery itself. I am not only a scene painter, but also function as the property man and electrician as well.

It is a strange and interesting art, this of scene painting. Time was when a painter made merely a drop and wings, or profiles. Now the scenic artist must make a composition. It is vastly different.”

This was 1898 and a crucial period during the development of degree productions for Scottish Rite stages in the Southern Jurisdiction. The scenery now used in Yankton, South Dakota, is from this same year.

1898 scene by Sosman & Landis Studio (Chicago) for Wichita, Kansas. This scenery is now in Yankton, South Dakota.

1898 counterweighted lines by Sosman & Landis Studio (Chicago) for Wichita, Kansas. This counterweight system travelled with the used scenery collection and was installed in Yankton, South Dakota. Photograph from November 2017 with Rick Boychuk when we examined the rigging.

To be continued…

Tales from a Scenic Artist and Scholar. Part 346 – Thomas G. Moses and Walter M. Dewey

Part 346: Thomas G. Moses and Walter M. Dewey

The year 1895 closed without any fanfare or high profits for Thomas G. Moses. He wrote that 1896 “opened not any too good for me.” He had a difficult time keeping his studio warm enough to paint, commenting, “The studio space was just too large, so I leased a portion to a laundry company, which cut my rent I half – a great help.” It was a difficult time for Moses and he knew that he was failing; managing on his own might not be the answer.

Heading of the section that advertised the benefit for Walter M. Dewey (Inter Ocean, Feb 2, 1895, page 27). Thomas G. Moses contributed art for this charity benefit exhibition.

Into the first half of 1896, Moses was still struggling with managing his studio, securing contracts and retaining a crew. It was too much work for one person, but he stayed connected and continued to support his colleagues. Regardless of his own troubles, Moses was always available to help a fellow artist and friend. He exhibited some artwork with other “leading artists of Chicago” in a charity event during February. The art exhibition of watercolors, pastels, and oils was held on the evenings of Feb. 3 and 4, at 8 o’clock, in the rooms of the Y.M.C.A, No. 542 West Monroe Street. It was a benefit was for Walter M. Dewey.

The outpouring of support was significant. The Chicago Tribune reported, “The friends of Walter M. Dewey, a clever young Chicago artist, have been grieved to learn recently he has been sick for several weeks and it has been necessary to remove him to a hospital out of the city” (2 February 1896, page 20). He had been seriously ill for six weeks, to be exact. The article continued, “His fellow artists, in their sympathy for Mr. Dewey and his family have arranged an exhibition and sale of paintings for his benefit.”

Participating artists and their works included John H. Vanderpoel, head, in oil; F. C. Peyraud, “Autumn,” oil; Fred B. McGreer, landscape, water color; Charles Edward Boutwood [Boulwood], head, watercolor; Charles A. Corwin, landscape, pastel; Pauline A. Dohn, head, oil; T. O. Fraenkel, “Mackinac,” water color; William Schmedtgen [Schmeddtgen], “A Blind,” water color; Svend Svendson, “Autumn,” water color; William Clusman, sketch, water color; George E. Colby, “Moonrise,” water color; Albert Olson [Olsen], “Crystal Lake, Autumn,” water color; E. A. Burbank, “Charcoal Darky,” watercolor; Thomas G. Moses, “Interior Wood,” water color; Harry Vincent, sketch water color; William Horton, sketch, water color; and J. E. Colburn. In addition there were to be twenty canvases by Walter M. Dewey. Vanderpoel and Wiliam W. Vernon were in charge of the sale.

Dewey was a student at the Art Institute in Chicago and a member of the Chicago Society of Artists, who exhibited a few years earlier with fellow artists that included Walter Burridge, Hardesty Maratta, Ernest Albert, Oliver D. Grover, and others.

Walter M. Dewey participated in this exhibition during 1895 (Chicago Tribune 12 Dec 1895 page 3).

Dewey’s cause was not the first to be supported by his fellow artists. On January 17, 1894, the Chicago Tribune advertised that a “Charity Sale” of pictures had begun (page 8). A ‘charity sale’ of water colors and oil paintings held in the rooms of the Chicago Society of Artists, on the top floor of the Anthenæum Building. It continued ten days and the proceeds were turned over to the Central Relief Association for the benefit of the needy. Many of those who supported Dewey in 1895, had previously exhibited in the “Charity Sale,” including Burridge, Marratta, Vincent, Peyraud, Clusman, Schmedtgen, Corwin, Svendsen, Vanderpoel, and many others. Dewey had also exhibited with the group. It was natural that during his time of need, he was also supported.

One of the exhibitions that Walter M. Dewey participated in at the end of 1895.

Walter M. Dewey participated in the 2nd Annual Exhibition of the Students’ Art League by December 1895.

Walter M. Dewey participated in the 2nd Annual Exhibition of the Students’ Art League by December 1895. Selling “The Beach at Old Orchard, Me” for fifty dollars.

I can’t help but thing back to the Scene Painter’s Show of 1885. It signaled the beginning of an era; a period that one could consider a golden age of scenic artists in Chicago that meshed perfectly with their fine art activities. Both theatre and fine art were extensions of these remarkable men who thought beyond their own individual artwork. They were part of a community that not only supported each other, but also supported a variety of causes for the common good of mankind. They were contributing toward a beautiful future and experiencing the world of art together. But there was an exciting undercurrent that was spreading throughout exhibition halls and entertainment venues. The theatrical world was starting to change at a rapid-fire pace. Those who could blend what was already popular with a new technology would soar ahead of the competition.

To be continued…

Tales from a Scenic Artist and Scholar. Part 345 – Albert B. Mason, Scenic Artist

Part 345: Albert B. Mason, Scenic Artist

The death of Forest Seabury made me search for other scenic artists that passed way in 1895. Their departure signaled the beginning of a transitional period, as younger artists rose to prominence across the country. By now, Thomas G. Moses represented the old guard, even though he was just beginning to enter his middle aged years. We were beginning a key period in the history of American scenic art and stage design. Between 1885 and 1905, the entertainment industry would split and evolve in many different directions. Those in charge guided the future division of theatrical trades as the roles of theatre technicians became more defined.

In 1895, one of the top scenic artists at Sosman & Landis was murdered. This event was not only tragic, but also accentuated the absence of Thomas G. Moses from the studio. On February 14, the Chicago Tribune reported, “Albert B. Mason, scenic artist lies dead at his home, No. 130 West Van Buren street, the result of wounds received Saturday night in a fight with two thugs who assaulted and tried to rob him. He went to the drug store at 9 o’clock for some medicine. On the way home when crossing the alley between Jefferson and Desplaines streets he was jumped on by the thieves and knocked down.” The article commented that although Mason was a “big strong man” and “made a brave fight,” his assailants got the better of him. He pulled out his gun to scare them off, but they wrestled the weapon away; one held his arms and the other pounded him over the head with it until he fell unconscious to the ground. Later while stunned and bleeding, Mason still made it home to his wife. Two days later he expired at 11 o’clock in the morning. The post-mortem examination revealed that a large artery in the head had been severed and the skull fractured.

The last line of the article connected Mason to the Sosman & Landis studio: “Albert B. Mason had been painting theatrical scenery for the firm Sosman & Landis, No. 236 South Clinton street, seven or eight years and was one of their best artists. He leaves a widow and son.” This was one more name to add to the group of artists who worked for Sosman & Landis during their early years. Although, Moses was not working for Sosman & Landis at the time, he would have certainly known Mason, as their work for the studio would have crossed over.

The tragic tale of Mason continued, but Mason’s assailants were eventually apprehended after an eyewitness account and positive identification of the two. The policemen caught the thieves named Cornelius O’Brien and Harry “Butch” Lyons, noted as “two of the toughest of many tough footpads that infest South Clinton, Desplaines, and Halsted street districts.” O’ Brien received a twenty-year sentence and O’Brien was sentenced to death by hanging.

Article about the fate of Alfred B. Mason’s assailants, from the Detroit Free Press (Oct. 12, 1895, page 2).

What this also provides is a little insight into the type of neighborhood where Sosman & Landis had their studio on Clinton Street. Noted as 236 South Clinton Street, the address was actually 236-238 S. Clinton Street. When many of the Chicago Streets were renumbered, the final Sosman & Landis Studio address would become 417-419 S. Clinton Street.

In 1896, Moses returned to work for Sosman & Landis again. They would open another annex studio – also located in a rough neighborhood. Moses recorded that the new annex studio was located in the Alhambra Theatre. The Alhambra Theatre was located on State Street and Archer Avenue. It was dedicated on September I, 1890. H. R. Jacobs was the manager and retained management until April, 1897.

Of this studio and its less-than-ideal location, Moses wrote, “It was a long ride to Oak Park and I disliked the theatre. It was a very rough neighborhood – a hangout for all the big crooks.” His words take on a new meaning when considering the fate of Albert B. Mason near the main studio on Clinton Street.

I thought back to my own late nights when I left a theatre after painting all day. I was always alone, walking to my car with my senses on “high alert” for any potential danger. For many, it is the simple “knowing that there may be danger ahead” that is dreaded at the end to every day. It is the hoping that you will not meet anyone, and the knowing that if you do to not to make eye contact. It is the understanding that you may not make it home alive if you chance upon the wrong stranger. Moses was fortunate to always make it home. Mason was not. His carrying a weapon for self-defense hadn’t really made a difference in the end.

To be continued…

Tales from a Scenic Artist and Scholar. Part 344 – Forest Seabury, Scenic Artist

Part 344: Forest Seabury, Scenic Artist

There were a few newspaper articles from 1895 that caught my attention, as they concerned scenic artists. The scenic artist S. Forest Seabury (Sr.) died at the Grand Opera House on July 17, 1895, in Oakland, California. Newspapers reported that the celebrated artist fell dead after expressing to the stage manager, “You drop is finished, and it’s a wonder” (The San Francisco Call, 18 July, 1895, page 4). Seabury had just placed his brush in a pot of water before he uttered his final words, having just completed the drop curtain for Morosco’s Opera house. He then turned to speak to the manager, Tom Andrews. It was 4:35 PM when Seabury took a few steps toward the washstand, staggered and fell, before taking his last breath. Only a few minutes earlier, Seabury’s son had shouted up from the stage floor, inquiring about his father’s health. After hearing a positive response from the flies, his son left.

An illustration of Forest Seabury accompanied his death notice in the San Francisco Call (18 July 1895, page 4)

Seabury was a busy man and had completed another drop curtain for the Grand Opera House the previous week. For the opera, his 38’-0” x 40’-0” painting depicted a colossal American flag against a cloudy sky; it was received with applause (San Francisco Call, 5 July 1895, page 7). Dr. Barrett conducted an autopsy on the body and determined that the cause of death was heart disease. Seabury was only forty-four years old. His young age reminded of another scenic artist from Chicago – Lou Malmsha. Malmsha has passed away at the age of 35. A talented scenic artist, he was at the top of his career when he suffered a similar fate after work.

Seabury’s obituary reported that his funeral was attended by many members from both the Actor’s Association of America and the Theatrical Mechanic’s Association of Oakland. Like many other scenic artists, Seabury was also a stage mechanic, having the ability to engineer and create all of the scenic effects for a production. At Seabury’s funeral, floral arrangements sent from his fellow artists included banners stating, “The Drop is Done,” “The Gates Ajar,” and “The Last Scene of All.”

Another obituary for Forest Seabury reporting the presence of “many prominent theatrical” people form the Oakland area.

Seabury was a Pacific Coast artist and decorator whose work was known throughout the region. He had painted drop curtains and decorated prosceniums in all of the principal playhouses in California, Oregon, Washington and Nevada. However he primarily worked in the Oakland area. In 1892 he created a drop curtain, “The Dawn of Spring” for Stockwell’s Theatre in Oakland that the newspaper reported was “a beautiful work of art” (Oakland Tribune 2 July 1892, page 7). During the 1880s, he had been the scenic artist for the Baldwin Theatre in San Francisco. However, he also painted scenery for other venues, such as the Pasadena Opera House (Los Angeles Herald, 28, Oct, 1887, page 12). His obituary commented that one of his best works was a scene of the Golden Gate on a drop curtain in the opera-house in Sonora, Tuolumne country.

Seabury was also a member of the Republican Alliance and presented a decorative banner (12×12) of Harrison and Morton and an artisan at work. “Around the boarder are pictures of flags and other ornamentations. A shield bears the name of the club” (Oakland Tribune, 2 Oct 1888, page 1).

One of Seabury’s major accomplishments was his work for the Kiralfy Bros. He was listed as one of the scenic artists for the 1887 production of “The Black Crook” (Chicago Tribune, 13 March 1887, page 6). The others were Harley Merry, Geo. Bell, Porter Robecchi of Paris, and Magnani. This interesting group of artists was credited with creating “all new scenery” for a production that was “exactly as reproduced in January at Niblo’s Garden.” The show opened at McVicker’s Theatre in Chicago. The scenery for the production was estimated at $15,000. (The Times, Philadelphia, 19 Nov 1887, page 3). Advertisements reported that there were two entire carloads of scenery for the production “with all its glittering grandeur” (The Ottawa Journal, 21 May 1887, page 1).

Poster for the Kiralfy Bros. production of “The Black Crook,” painted by Forest Seabury and other well-known scenic artists.

Poster for the Kiralfy Bros. production of the “The Black Crook,” painted by Forest Seabury and other well-known scenic artists.

One of the sets for the Kilrafy’s production. Posted at https://actonbooks.com/2016/12/13/kiralfy-brothers/

Advertisement listing the scenic artists for the 1887 production of “The Black Crook.” 2 (Chicago Tribune, 13 March 1887, page 6).

Not everything was perfect in Seabury’s world. Two months before his death, Seabury’s second wife committed suicide by taking carbolic acid. The San Francisco Chronicle reported, “She was found dead in her room by her husband. A photograph of him was clasped to her breast” (18 July 1895, page 8). There had been trouble in the Seabury family and for some time the wife and husband had been separated. Mrs. Mary Jane Seabury of Massachusetts (second wife) was found dead in her bed at 917 Larkin Street. The autopsy by Dr. J. S. Barrett showed that her death resulted from carbolic-acid poisoning. The article noted that a dose of carbolic acid causes great pain and those who swallow it involuntarily will groan in their agony or scream, but no sound was heard from her room; her husband did not occupy the same apartment, yet he was the one first one on the scene.

When discovered, she was clutching a photograph of her husband, a letter written to him from another woman (from 1891) and a suicide note. Her written request stated, “Make sure that I am dead before burying me, as I do not want to be buried alive.” She was 24 years old and had only been married to Seabury for three years.

Seabury had two sons, Arthur and Forest Jr., from his first marriage. Both sons also worked at Morosco’s Grand Opera House as scenic artists and actors at the time of his death. There is more to the Seabury story as newspapers covered the continued troubles of the Seabury family. His second son Arthur was found in a mentally unhealthy state and returned to his mother in 1907. His mother’s concern increased as she observed Arthur did not sleep well. Then he started to explain that he had visited hell, frequently accosting people and stating, “How do you do. I’ve seen you in hell.” His mother eventually bought her son brought before Judge Hall to determine his sanity. The physicians decided he was on the verge of insanity and he was sent to the Stockton.

Of Arthur the paper reported ,“Young Seabury was with his father most of the time and was considerable as an artist himself. He worked on the paint-frames and filled in many a fine piece of artistic work from his father’s brush” (Oakland Tribune 19 April 1897, page 2). But the story is a little more complicated as some articles suggested that Seabury never remarried and only had one wife.

Throughout all, his second son and namesake, Forest Jr., continued to paint and act, doing fairly well in the theatre profession.

Forest Seabury, Jr. with the Allen Stock Co. This image was taken the same year that his brother went insane and was committed to the Stockton sanitorium. Morning Register (Eugene, Oregon), 22 Sept 1907.

To be continued…

Tales from a Scenic Artist and Scholar. Part 322 – Charles E. Porter, African-American Scenic Artist

Part 322: Charles E. Porter, African-American Scenic Artist

Before I was distracted by Daguerre’s chemical paintings, I was getting ready to complete my section on African-American scenic artists when another was brought to my attention. Gene Meier contacted me when I first mentioned Solomon E. White about an African-American panorama painter – C. E. Porter.

Charles E. Porter (1847-1923) worked on the cyclorama Niagara Falls for the Columbian Exposition. Meier shared information from a newspaper article, April 9, 1892 – the Freeman (Indianapolis, Indiana). It reported that C. E. Porter, an artist if Meridian, Conn., was working on the cyclorama of Niagara Falls that would be presented at the World’s Fair. Porter was also noted as the first “colored man” admitted to the Art Academy of New York and had studied two years in Paris. That was all he knew about C. E. Porter, so I decided to do a little digging.

First page Article in the Hartford Courant, “Charles E. Porter Paintings to be Auctioned” 9 Sept. 2012, page G1.

Second part of the article in the Hartford Courant, “Charles E. Porter Paintings to be Auctioned” 9 Sept. 2012, page G2.

Midway into my search, I encountered an article in the Hartford Courant, “Charles E. Porter Paintings to be Auctioned” (9 Sept. 2012, page G1-G2). It was an ideal story for “Antiques Roadshow”; a woman is urged by her mother to purchase some paintings at an estate sale by an unknown artist who turns out to be remarkable. Thirty years later, the paintings are positively identified as the work of C. E. Porter. Luckily for me, his life was briefly summarized to generate interest in the upcoming auction. Someone had really done their research, and the story helped me locate additional information. This article also reported that Porter was one of the first African-American artists to exhibit at the National Academy of Design.

Charles E. Porter, “Landscape with Grain Stacks.”

Here is what I discovered about C. E. Porter:

Porter was born in Hartford, Connecticut, and raised in the Rockville section of Vernon. The family was well connected to the New England abolitionist community, but exceedingly poor. Before reaching adulthood, he lost eight siblings due to childhood illnesses and war. Eight, I cannot imagine. Porter’s artistic talent was recognized by the local community at a young age, and he soon established a studio in Hartford. Porter gained the respect and admiration of many other, and much more well known, artists who lent their support over the years. One of his sponsors was Frederic Edwin Church. I was intrigued as Church has always been one of my personal favorite landscape artists. Then a second famous personality popped up in the story!

Mark Twain wrote a letter of recommendation for Porter to continue his studies at the Académie Julian in Paris. Wow. After studying abroad, Porter returned to the Hartford area where he established his residence at 23 Spruce St in Rockville. Near the top of Fox Hill, he had a studio at the summit.

As many artists, his fortunes slipped later in life and he ended up selling his paintings door-to-door in the town of Vernon. As many Vernon residents were hesitant to buy art from a minority, his friend Gustave A. Hoffman, a Bavarian artist, helped Porter sell his work. Hoffman (1869-1945) was a portrait painter, etcher, and lecturer. Born in Cottbus, Brandenburg, Germany, he studied at the Royal Academy in Munich before moving to America.

Sadly, Porter’s artwork was not always purchased, and on some occasions, he was forced to barter his artwork for food or clothes. Some historians have purported that when the community tired of trading goods for paintings, Porter was reduced to menial labor and had to cease painting for periods of time. Hildegard Cummings in “Charles Ethan Porter: African American Master of Still Life” (2007 exhibition at the New Britain Museum of American Art) wrote that “[Porter] was referred to as respectfully as Professor Porter and a disparagingly as Charles the Nigger.”

His tail continues as so many artists who never see fame in their lifetime. He sadly and slowly sank into obscurity until his death in 1923. Gradually losing his faculties, Porter continued to paint throughout his final years. I immediately got that mixed feeling of anger and helplessness. It never fails; extremely talented artists die penniless, only to have patrons crawl out of the woodwork and sell their art for exorbitant prices when they no longer need any care or financial support. Porter’s paintings now sell for the thousands and are included in collections at the Whitney in New York and the Smithsonian in Washington, D.C. In Connecticut, his work is part of the collections at the Wadsworth Museum of Art in Hartford, Florence Griswold Museum in Old Lyme, Lyman Allyn in New London, Connecticut Historical Society and the New Britain Museum of American Art.

Well, there is more to the story that came to light as I scanned newspaper databases. The Hartford Courant reported, “D. W. Tryon, the artist, has been sketching in the neighborhood of Rocky Hill for a couple of weeks, and C. E. Porter has been working with him.” (1 Aug 1881, page 2).

Article in the Hartford Courant about D. W. Tryon and C. E. Porter (1 Aug 1881, page 2).

This was Dwight W. Tryon (1849-1925) who was born in Hartford and raised on his grandparent’s farm in East Hartford. Tryon first sold his art in 1870, exhibiting at the National Academy of Design by 1873. Quick rise to fame, but he was also a white male. In 1876, Tryon auctioned all of his paintings to partially fund a trip to France with his wife where he enrolled at the atelier of Jacquesson de la Chevreuse and took classes at the École des Beaux-Arts. In addition to painting, Tryon was an art instructor at Smith College from 1886-1923. His personal papers are currently held at the Freer Gallery of Art and the Arthur M. Sackler Gallery in Washington, D.C. Charles Land Freer, founder of the Freer Art Gallery. Freer was a primary patron of Tryon.

In 1881 Porter prepared for his trip abroad and also auctioned off all of his studio collection (Hartford Courant, 25 April 1881, page 2). The article titled “Porter’s Paintings” reported, “The pictures, nearly one hundred in number, were painted with the strictest regard to artistic worth, from time to time during the past two or three years, and it is to satisfy a desire to acquire a finishing touch to his art education in Europe that Mr. Porter has decided to put them on sale at auction. The collection is quite varied in subjects and incudes some of his best efforts at fruit, flower, game, fish, interior and landscape painting. All the pictures have been elegantly framed by D. Vorce & Co. The sale will be held at the large studio in the Chesney building…”

Upon his return two years later, there was an art exhibition in Hartford of watercolors and oil paintings. The exhibition included not only Porter but also some very successful artists from the region (Hartford Courant, 16 Nov. 1883, page 2). The hope of this exhibit was to revive the Connecticut School of Design. I quickly scanned the names and found both Charles E. Porter and Dwight W. Tryon. Then I encountered a surprise – Mrs. Porter. It appears as though his wife was an artist too. I was unsuccessful with tracking down any of Mrs. C. E. Porter’s story or artwork. I finally managed to locate her married name in 1903 beyond a simple “Mrs.”

On January 13, 1903, the Pittsburgh Press posted the legal notification of the divorce between Charles E. Porter and Sallie G. Porter (page 15). I had to wonder if that was the beginning to his end.

To be continued…

Tales from a Scenic Artist and Scholar. Part 317 – The Cincinnati Venue for the Chemical Paintings in 1843

Part 317: The Cincinnati Venue for the Chemical Paintings in 1843

Here is a description of the venue where Duncanson and Coate’s chemical paintings premiered in 1843. A Cincinnati Enquirer article describes in great detail the transformation for each visual spectacle: the Milan Cathedral, Jerusalem and the Crucifixion, the Interior of the Holy Sepulchre and Belshazzar’s Feast in 1843. This was the collaborative effort between African-Americans artist Robert S. Duncanson and the photographer Coates to create a unique form of visual spectacle. There are four descriptions will be posted tomorrow after examining the venue where the production was first presented in Cincinnati.

While researching the Cincinnati venue, however, I was surprised when I realized that the first performance actually took place in the same room where the Cincinnati Masons met. The advertised Concert Hall above the Cincinnati Post Office is also considered one of the first Masonic meeting spaces in the city.

White corner building (on right) was the first Masonic Hall (also used as a concert hall) above the post office in Cincinnati on Third Street. The second Masonic building (tan facade on right) building is depicted past the bank (building with the columns). This would be the same location as the third Masonic building too. Image from http://www.mormoninterpreter.com/where-in-cincinnati-was-the-third-edition-of-the-book-of-mormon-printed/

The two-story brick building was erected on the corner of Third Street and Bank Alley (now the corner of Third Street and Walnut).One of the men responsible for the construction of the building was Postmaster Elam Langdon. The Post Office was situated on the first floor of the building and the Masons used the second floor hall for their lodge room. The road called Bank Alley was also known to local citizens as either Post Office Alley or Masonic Alley. Interestingly, that same second-floor space was also advertised as a Concert Hall for musical performances during 1843. Newspaper advertisements for concerts, such as that by Max Bohrer, noted the 1843 venue as “the Concert Hall, over the Post Office” (Cincinnati Enquirer, 13 June 1843, page 3).

This is the same concert hall above the post office where the chemical paints were displayed in 1843. The Cincinnati Enquirer, 13 June 1843, page 3

“Masonic Review” describes the history of early Masonry in Cincinnati and the cooperation of the various Masonic bodies to construct a Masonic Hall in the city. The first committee was composed of David Brown, William Burker and Postmaster Elam Langdon, “men of executive ability” (Masonic Review and the Masonic Journal, 1892, Vol. 76, page 15). “Subscriptions and dues were paid in bricks, lumber, labor &c., and in March, 1824, the first Masonic hall built in this city was completed at a cost of $2,437.72. The hall was a frame building, and was erected on the Town Lot, now the northeast corner of Third and Walnut…It was not until 1843 that an active interest was taken to build a second building, and in 1845 plans were submitted for a new building and approved.” The Hall was enlarged during 1834 as membership dramatically increased. This was the transitional step between the first and second buildings in Cincinnati. The second building was located just down the block on Third Street from the original corner building.

The third building was located on the same spot as the second building, just down the street from the original Masonic Hall. Image from: http://www.mormoninterpreter.com/where-in-cincinnati-was-the-third-edition-of-the-book-of-mormon-printed/

The following article was in the Cincinnati Enquirer on 14 Aug 1843 and describes the premiere of the Chemical Paintings (page 3):

“Daguerre’s Grand Chemical Secret Discovered! To be exhibited at Concert Hall, over the Post Office, every evening, until further notice.”

“Robert Winter, Jr. respectfully informs his friends and the citizens of Cincinnati generally, that stimulated by the assertion of Mons. Maffy, the proprietor of Daguerre’s celebrated chemical paintings, that it was impossible for any one in this country to imitate them, he has succeeded in producing the undermentioned pictures, which he confidently places before the public for them to decide relative to the merits of his productions, and whether he has not completely nullified Mons. Maffy’s assertion, by imitating or surpassing those painted by Daguerre himself, and which have so justly gained the admiration of the patrons of the Fine Arts wherever they have been exhibited.”

Here is the “Maffy” who Winter is referring to:

The first set “chemical paintings” credited to Daguerre and managed by Mons. Maffy.Article from Commercial Advertiser and Journal (Buffalo, NY) 30 June 1842, page 2.

“Each painting covers a surface of nearly two hundred square feet of canvas, and represents two distinct pictures, which form the peculiar style of execution, the varied nature and combination of the illuminating powers employed, produces changes the most astonishing, and at the same time the most natural, in the power of the artist, machinist or optician, to effect.

Appropriate music, selected and arranged expressly for the occasion, will accompany each change; and the proprietor confidently anticipates the exhibition will form one of the most attractive, moral and pleasing entertainments, ever offered to a Cincinnati audience.”

From the National Gazette (Philadelphia) 25 Jan. 1841, page 3. Note that the venue was in New York’s Masonic Hall.

To be continued…

Tales from a Scenic Artist and Scholar. Part 315 – Robert S. Duncanson (1821-1872), African-American Landscape Artist

Part 315: Robert S. Duncanson (1821-1872), African-American Landscape Artist

There was something that I kept wondering while researching Solomon E. White; why did he keep returning to Cincinnati? What kept drawing him back to the city? Was it family, a supportive network of friends, a diverse community, or a vibrant artistic scene? I started to look at the demographics. First of all, Cincinnati was considered a “southern town on free soil.” It was a hub for many freed and escaped slaves. Between 1840 and 1850 the population expanded from 43,000 to 115,000, and the city hosted one of the largest African-American communities in the country. Cincinnati also had a strong arts community and was often referred to as “the Athens of the West.” Its African-American population encountered better opportunities to advance than in many other parts of antebellum America.

As I explored hundreds of online images, I became extremely enamored with the work of one landscape artist – Robert Seldon Duncanson (1821- 1872).

He was not only inspired by Thomas Cole and the Hudson River School, but also had a Cincinnati connection. Born to an African-American mother and a Scottish-Canadian father in Fayette (Seneca County) of New York, he moved with his mother to Mt. Healthy, Ohio, in 1841. They lived there with the Reuben Graham family, who were descendants of Virginia slaves. This particular community near Cincinnati had a substantial “free-black” population.

Robert S. Duncanson. “Vesuvius and Pompeii,” 1870

By 1842, Duncanson was exhibiting his art in Cincinnati. Typical artistic commissions for Duncanson included landscapes, portraiture and murals. The following year, he partnered with an African-American photographer to create a new form of visual spectacle called “chemical paintings.” They were large-scale compositions that depicted a metamorphosis on stage, transitioning many scenes from morning until evening with a Daguerreotype form of magic.

Murals by Robert S. Duncanson for the Belmont hall and reception room, now the Taft Museum.

In Cincinnati, Nicholas Longworth (abolitionist and political leader) also hired Duncanson to paint a series of murals in the Belmont hall and reception room from 1848 to 1851. There were eight murals that measured approximately 9 feet by 7 feet in size.

Detail of one of Robert S. Duncanson’s murals in the Taft Museum.

Detail of a Robert S. Duncanson mural commissioned by Nicholas Longworth for Belmont, now the Taft Museum.

The Longworth Mansion is now known as now the Taft Museum. His murals are still there.By 1849, Duncanson maitained an art studio in Detroit. Two years later, a Cincinnati patron funded a sketching trip for him to travel to New Hampshire and Vermont. During this period, Duncanson traveled widely throughout the region. The Anti-Slavery league funded a trip for his artistic study in Edinburgh, Scotland during 1853. On this trip he continued onto England, France, Germany and Italy.

The Smithsonian American Art Museum posted his words online from a letter to Junius R. Sloan on 22 Jan. 1854: “”English landscapes were better than any in Europe, and the English are great in water color while the French are better historical painters than the English. I am disgusted with our Artists in Europe. They are mean Copiests. My trip to Europe has to some extent enabled me to judge of my own talent. Of all the landscapes I saw in Europe (and I saw thousands) I do not feel discouraged” (Platt R. Spencer Collection, Newberry Library, Chicago, Ill.). During the 1850s, Duncanson went on sketching tours with Whittredge and William Sonntag. He would later travel with Sonntag to England, France and Italy. When he returned, he worked in J. P. Ball’s studio, retouching portraits, coloring prints, and exhibiting his paintings.

Robert S. Duncanson. “Minneopa Falls, Minnesota,” 1860s.

In the 1860s, Duncanson ventured north from Minnesota to Vermont and into Canada to Montreal, before leaving for Scotland again. Prior to his departure, he saw Frederic Edwin Church’s “Heart of Andes” (1859) on its national tour at Pike’s Opera House in Cincinnati. It greatly inspired him and he began his painting “The Land of Lotus Eaters.”

Thomas Cole, “The Heart of the Andes,” 1859.

Robert S. Duncanson, “The Lotus Eaters.”

From 1864 to 1866, his name is not listed in either Detroit or Cincinnati directories. By 1867, he returned to the United States, making one last trip to Scotland from 1870-1872. Upon his return, he exhibited his Scottish paintings and successfully sold many for handsome prices.

Unfortunately that same year, Duncanson also suffered from a seizure while arranging an exhibition of his work in Detroit. After being hospitalized for three month at the Michigan State Retreat, he died. He was only 51 years old.
One can only imagine the mental and emotional stress it took to encounter the problems facing a biracial artist in pre- and post-Civil War America on a daily basis. People of color experienced a period of increased discrimination throughout the country as there was a backlash from many; those seeking to place blame on others for so many issues. This candle of hate has yet to be snuffed out.

As I continue to witness the rise of the white supremacy movement and a continued racial inequality almost 150 years later, I cannot help but feel sorrow. I also feel inadequate when I consider the lack of obstacles that I face on a daily basis compared to people of color. Would I have the strength to survive as an African American artist in the nineteenth century? I have never had to struggle any insurmountable obstacles and honestly don’t know.

Looking at Duncanson’s work, however, helps me understand why Solomon E. White continued to return to Cincinnati and work as both a fresco and scenic artist. It was a community that provided a place for Duncanson’s art. I am sure that the display of Duncanson’s artwork provided hope for other aspiring African-American artists during that time. These were the individuals who made progress possible. We simply can’t go back, or loose even an inch of ground. Those who paved the path for future generations deserve our continued action toward equality and nothing less.

To be continued…

Robert S. Duncanson. “Waterfall on Mont Morency,” 1864

Robert S. Duncanson. Untitled landscape, ca. 1870s.

There is a great timeline for Robert S. Duncanson posted at : http://grahamarader.blogspot.com/2012/09/arader-galleries-exhibits-significant.html

Tales from a Scenic Artist and Scholar. Part 314 – Solomon E. White, Scenic Artist for “On the Suwanee River”

Part 314: Solomon E. White , Scenic Artist for “On the Suwanee River”

By 1879, Solomon E. White was listed as living at 276 John Street in Cincinnati. He was thirty-eight years old and publicly recognized as a scenic artist for almost fifteen years. The following year, the White family returned to Grand Rapids, where they lived at 43 Curtiss Street. White would work as a scenic artist and fresco artist in the city for the next five years.

Little is known of White’s career after 1885. Unfortunately, I could not find his name in print again until a decade later. By 1895, White was again listed in the Cincinnati Business Directory section as a fresco decorator. However, he did not stop working as a scenic artist. That same year, White created the settings for “On the Suwanee River.”

The Notable Kentucky African Americans Database recorded that during a trip to Florida, White made several sketches of the region. He used his artwork as source material for the scene design and painting of “On the Suwanee River.” The touring production visited Newark, Ohio, in 1899. Julius Cahn’s Theatrical Guide also included this touring production in several issues.

Photograph by Will Dickey–Cypress trees on the bank of the Suwannee River near Live Oak, Florida. (www.willdickey.com)

The Dixon Evening Telegraph reported that this “popular play of the Sunny South” held “an indefinable charm” (Dixon, Illinois, 8 Dec. 1902, page 5). It brought “its clientele back to the theatre to see a re-enactment of this pretty story” year after year. The article continued, “Stair & Nicolai have given the play a thorough scenic environment for this, its sixth season, and the company is practically the same as it has been in the past. Stella Mayhew will again be seen as the old colored mammy, Aunt Lindy. Miss Mayhew’s portrayal of the role is a characterization of rare excellence. As an entirety ‘On the Suwanee River” is a classic in comparison with the average attraction playing the popular priced theaters.”

The managers for the production were Stair & Nicolai. This was George H. Nicolai and E. D. Stair. They also ran the Majestic Theatre in New York, with Stair as the Lessee and Manager and Nicolai as the business manager. The theatrical managing firms of Stair & Nicolai and Stair & Havlin were both located at 1493 Broadway in New York City. Nicolai was a silent partner in Stair and J. H. Havlin in their enterprise. They partnered in many ventures as Nicolai was Stair’s brother-in-law.

Stair & Havlin managed a large chain of theaters primarily situated in smaller cities and towns from the East Coast to Kansas City, offering melodrama and farce. Many of the attractions were proprietary, but the company also featured Broadway hits that toured the major theatrical centers. Stair & Nicolai also managed the productions of “The Night Before Christmas,” “Don Caesar de Bazan,” and “Romeo and Juliet” during 1901.

White would have first encountered Stair in Grand Rapids, Michigan. Stair was the lessee for the Grand Opera House. Stair and C. J. Whitney were lessees for the Power’s Theatre in Grand Rapids too. These were just two of many theatres where Stair was listed as a lessee, often with another partner. Other venues were in Detroit, Cleveland, Chicago, and Louisville. Stair also managed the Kery & Mason touring company

After White’s painting of the scenery for “On the Suwanee River,” little is reported about White until his passing in 1912. He died a widower in Cincinnati. Solomon E. White was 71 years old.

To be continued…

For more information about Solomon E. White, here is the link to Notable Kentucky African Americans Database – (http://nkaa.uky.edu/nkaa/items/show/2507)

Tales from a Scenic Artist and Scholar. Part 313 – Solomon E. White (1841-1912), Nineteenth-century African-American Scenic Artist

Last month, a gentleman commented on one of my posts about Thomas G. Moses (see past installment # 170). He inquired about whether Moses could have met the African–American scenic artist Solomon E. White during 1875. They were both painting in Grand Rapids during the same period; Moses was just starting out in his career, but White was well established by then.

View of Grand Rapids Michigan in 1874. The Powers Opera House is on the right, second building back. Solomon E. White worked in Grand Rapids from 1874-1876 and 1880-1885.

View of Power Opera House in 1883. Solomon E. White painted in Grand Rapids from 1874-1876 and 1880-1885.

White painted in Grand Rapids from 1874 to 1876 and again from 1880 to 1885. Moses did some decorating work in Grand Rapids for an unnamed Chicago-based scenic artist who was contracted at the Powers Opera House. Obviously, Moses was not working for White, as the artist he worked for was referred to as “Chicago-based” and White was from Cincinnati. It is highly likely, however, that Moses knew of White. Like many theatre professionals at the time, the world of scenic art was small. Unless you only created only one backdrop during the course of your career, people were familiar with each other’s work and place of employment. Nineteenth-century scenic artists, like Moses, kept tabs on their competition; you never knew whom you might be working with next. Information and connections were key and artists needed to have their own networks.

White was born in Kentucky to Jackson White, Sr. (b. 1815) and Mahaly. Little is known of his mother beyond a name. White’s father worked as a feather renovator. This was a person who cleaned feathers for reuse in pillows and bedding. The year that White was born, his family moved to Lexington, Kentucky. One of six children to the couple, all were born in Kentucky, but raised in Cincinnati and recorded as “free.” There is no confirmation on whether White or his parents were ever slaves.

In 1867, the Fort Wayne Daily Gazette credits Solomon E. White as painting the new scenery for Colerick’s Hall reporting, “Messrs. Hampton & Holt seem to understand what a good theatre is, and appear determined to make one complete in every respect. They are having the new scenery painted by Solomon E. White, for many years scenic artist at the National and Wood’s theatres, Cincinnati, whom they have engaged for the season” (23 September 1867, page 4). He was well known by 1867 at the age of twenty-six and traveling all over the country. This is a really big deal as after the Civil War there was often a backlash against people of color in both the north and the south.

By July 9, 1873, at the age of thirty-two, White married Mary Jane Martin (b. 1855). A year later, White traveled to Grand Rapids to paint the Powers Opera House and continued his scenic art career in the city, also working as a fresco artist. In 1876, he painted four large eight foot by twelve-foot panels that flanked the outer arches of the Centennial Arch at the foot of Monroe in Campau Place.

View of 1876 Centennial Arch in Grand Rapids, Michigan. The murals for the arch were created by Solomon E. White.

Photograph of 1876 Centennial Arch posted online at “Powers Behind Grand Rapids” – https://powersbehindgr.wordpress.com/powers-theatre/architects-artisans/.

There was a description of the Centennial Arch paintings posted at “Powers Behind Grand Rapids” – https://powersbehindgr.wordpress.com/powers-theatre/architects-artisans/.

Here is the description: “On the left (east) side of this (north) face of the arch, in the panel over the side arch, is “The Declaration of American Independence the Baptismal Vow of a Republic born of Eternal Right, and for whom Heroes were Sponsors.” Under this is an oil painting, 8 by 12 feet in size, of Washington crossing the Delaware; a beautiful and artistic scene. Beneath is “Their Glorious Record is the Imperishable Heritage of the Forever.” In the west panel of this face of the arch, at the top, is “On Every Sea and Every Land Known to Men the Sacred Honor of the Sires has been upheld by the Sons.” Below this is a painting, 8 by 12 feet in size, representing Columbia standing in the foreground, on a high ledge, pointing over a vast and shadowy expanse, allegorically presenting the greatness and achievements of our country. In the background of the scene is the main building of the Exposition. Nearer is the National Capitol and other public structures. Still nearer is the farmer reaping grain in a broad field with a reaper. Still nearer is a river with a steamboat, a suspension railroad bridge, a second railway track and a train of cars, and a telegraph line. All can understand what they represent. Beneath this beautiful oil painting is: “Of all Nations, and Peoples, and Tongues, she Gathers the Freemen who Bless her Centennial Birthday.”

1876 Centennial Arch with Paintings by Solomon E. Powers. This image was posted online at “Powers Behind Grand Rapids” – https://powersbehindgr.wordpress.com/powers-theatre/architects-artisans/.

Solomon E. White’s 8′-0″ x 12′-0″ murals on the 1876 Centennial Arch in Grand Rapids, Michigan. Detail of an image posted online at “Powers Behind Grand Rapids” – https://powersbehindgr.wordpress.com/powers-theatre/architects-artisans/.

… In the left or western panel is an oil painting representing Washington at Valley Forge, uniform in size with those above mentioned. Beneath this is “Their Heroic Devotion Inflamed the World and made Liberty the Watchword of Mankind.” In the other panel is an allegorical painting in watercolors, explained by the motto underneath “America supported by Justice and Strength receives Tribute, Affection and Confidence from her Children and Drives Discord and Fraud from her Domain.”

For more information on White, see the Notable Kentucky African Americans Database – (http://nkaa.uky.edu/nkaa/items/show/2507) His story will resume tomorrow.

To be continued…

Tales from a Scenic Artist and Scholar. Part 312 – African-American Scenic Artists

The tragedy at the New Lyceum Theatre when the paint bridge collapsed was published all across the country. The Times Herald reported about the “accident of four scenic artists and their assistants” (Port Huron, Michigan, 5 December 1894, page 3). The details of the article described, “Seven men, four white and three colored assistants, were hurled through a crashing scaffold and fell forty feet to the floor of the new Lyceum theatre.” All were part of the paint crew hired by Thomas G. Moses for this specific project.

Article describing the paint bridge collapse that injured Thomas G. Moses’ paint crew at the New Lyceum Theatre during December 1894. From “Rock Island Arous and Daily Union” (5 Dec 1894, page 1).

As I re-read “three colored assistants,” my mind flashed back to a blog comment from last month. A gentleman brought to my attention the scenic art career of an African-American during the 1870s. I was surprised, but not shocked, as studios didn’t always advertise hiring people of color or women. However, I was thrilled to have another name for my database and tucked away this little bit of information for further research. However, his story allowed me to read “three colored assistants” in a much different light and ponder if they were simply helpers or artists in their own right. I looked at the 1894 newspaper article with a different perspective than I would have a year ago, knowing that an African-American had been publicly acknowledged as a scenic artist two decades earlier.

Were the three assistants for the New Lyceum Theatre local hires? If so, some could argue that they were ready labor to help on site. The answer is “no.” One of the three gentlemen was from Chicago – Horace Posey. Posey was likely on Moses’ staff at the Sosman & Landis annex studio. He suffered both a broken arm and sprained ankle when the bridge collapsed. The other two gentlemen were from Memphis – A. E. Wells and John Wiley. Wells (also spelled as Well or Weil in some newspaper articles) broke his leg during the accident and Wiley suffered a sprained ankle. Wiley was the luckiest one of the entire paint crew.

The use of “colored assistant” to describe these three men suggests that they might be paint boys for the project, also termed “pot boys.” Pot boys filled the artists’ pots of color on their palettes. They also made one-fifths of a scenic artists wages. Regardless of the word, pot boys had a very important job in preparing both the pigment and binder. They may have also been artists in their own right who were painting sections for the journeymen. The one thing to keep in mind is that there is no way Moses would have had anyone on that paint bridge who was not qualified or hard working. He expected perfection. All of Moses’ writing suggests that he demanded speed and quality; not just from himself, but from all those on his staff as well. It is highly unlikely that these “assistants” were inexperienced or randomly selected. They, like all of his staff would be paid a weekly salary.

Finding information about African-American scenic artists in print during the nineteenth century is just about as difficult as locating women scenic artists from that same time; these three gentlemen have been left out of theater history. I thought back to graduate school and recalled studying African-American stereotypes and characters, but not African-American theatre practitioners beyond playwrights, directors and performers.

While painstakingly looking for any crumb of evidence that suggested these three gentlemen had a scenic art career in the public eye, I stumbled across another name – Jas. W. Bell.

Bell was purported to be “the only colored scenic artist in the country” in 1892. Well, that was wrong. The St. Louis Dispatch included an article titled, “Negro Demonstration” (10 May, page 2). The article reported “The ‘day of prayer’ set apart by the colored people of the United States, May 31. will be followed by a race demonstration by the Square League. This demonstration will be given at the Exposition Building at some date between June 1 and 15. It will embrace a discourse on ‘The Great Iniquity,’ by Geo. Vashon; with tableaux illustrative of the cause by Jas. W. Bell, the only colored scenic artist in the country.” That was like Grace Wisaahr, a decade later being the “only woman scenic artist in the country.” Nice tag line, but incorrect.

Article about Jas. W. Bell, reported as the “first colored scenic artist in the country” in 1892. From “St. Louis Dispatch” (May 10 1892 page 2).

I believe that there were many more African-American scenic artists. One just doesn’t pop up out of nowhere with the skills to paint scenery and survive on the profession. The problem is that we just haven’t included them in theatre history – yet. Tomorrow, we’ll look at an African-American scenic artist who predated Bell by more than two decades – Solomon E. White.

To be continued…