Month: December 2017

In 2013, I attended the United States Institute of Theatre Technology (USITT) Conference in Milwaukee. I was scheduled with Lance Brockman to present a session in a nearby Masonic venue- “Theatre of the Fraternity: Creating the World of Freemasonry.” On March 21, 2013, we each gave a presentation about historical scenic art and degree productions. Then we invited participants onto the stage to examine early-twentieth-century dry pigment painting techniques. At the beginning of the week, I spent two days cataloguing and evaluating the Milwaukee Scottish Rite scenery collection at the Humphrey Center so that we would know the best scenes to lower during the USITT session. I always try to visit a Scottish Rite theater during a USITT conference if there is one in the same city.

I was also working on another theater project during the 2013 USITT conference at the Milwaukee Historical Society. It was a personal academic adventure to see a display about the Milwaukee panorama painters. The small exhibit was recommended by several of my colleagues. Over the course of two days I did much more that take a sneak peak at a display case. I examined the handwritten diaries of Friedrich W. Heine (1845-1921). It was in the day before my iPhone, but there was a copier and I left with a 1” pile of reproductions. My intention was that have my husband translate many of the entries that accompanied little drawings in the margin, especially pertaining to Masonic subject matter. Heine popped back up on my radar when Gene Meier forwarded on some of his own research about the Milwaukee panorama artists this past summer.

For many theater technicians and historians, their academic education fails to include details about the incredibly complex stage machinery and scenic illusion from the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. We receive minimal instruction pertaining to a variety of popular entertainments, including moving panoramas and cycloramas. In the classroom, it was occasionally referred to as a “low-brow” form of entertainment, not the work of the masters. As I have persisted in my research over the years, I have come to realize that many of the scenic artists and stage machinists who produced spectacles were the actual masters.

I might have a PhD in theatre, but all of my education pertaining to visual spectacle happened outside of my doctoral program, specifically in classes with MFA designers. It was one particular professor’s research interest and enthusiasm that provided me with an incentive to study historical scenic art and design. Lance Brockman at the University of Minnesota forever altered my perception as a theater historian and practitioner. Scenic illusion remained a vibrant art form with a beauty that would guide my career as an artist. Without his enthusiasm for the subject matter or his support of my own academic interests, I would not be writing this blog today or restoring historical scenery collections.

Now for those without years spent in a theater department or a performing arts archive, let’s start with the term panorama, specifically a moving panorama. These long canvases were advertised in feet, and sometimes miles. Visitor’s sat stationery in a theater while a very long canvas scrolled from one vertical roll to another. The painted landscape would pass by as if looking out the window of a train. This type of exhibit could easily travel to a variety of venues as the two rolls would be positioned within any proscenium.

Cycloramas were panoramic in nature and created for a specific type of building with a unique form of rigging. A rotunda building, octagonal or polygonal in shape, was necessary for this visual spectacle. Narrow passages brought visitors into the building where they emerged into the center of a scene. Some included impressive lighting and sound effects. Others included educational lectures. Whether it was a city on fire, a horrific scene at a battle, or bubbling volcanic crater in Hawaii, a realistic scene transported visitors to another time and place. A diorama began near the viewing platform and transitioned into a two-dimensional vista.

The rise of the cyclorama studio occurred in the 1880s and coincided with the rise of the scenic studio. Utilizing an ever-expanding network of transportation, painted scenery was easily shipped from town to town. Tomorrow, I will begin a series on the stories of the artists who created these massive paintings. They were contemporaries of Thomas G. Moses.

To be continued…

There were other cycloramas on display during the 1893 Columbian Exposition besides the Volcano of Kilauea. Gene Meier, 19^th century American panorama specialist, listed them as follows: Gettysburg, Jerusalem of the Day of Crucifixion, Chicago Fire, Bernese Oberland, Volcano of Kilauea, and Battle of Chattanooga.

The Chicago Fire cyclorama was a similar in size to the Volcano of Kilauea cyclorama, and measured approximately 50 feet high by 400 feet long. A reproduction of the 1871 great fire was displayed in a building on Michigan Avenue, between Madison and Monroe Streets. Howard H. Gross managed the attraction and was President of the Chicago Fire Cyclorama Company. Ticket prices were 30 cents per adult and 25 cents per child. The cyclorama was open in the day and evening.

Advertisements promised a “marvelous scene of Chicago while burning” with 20,000 square feet of canvas and numerous set pieces. The September 28, 1892, issue of the “Fort Worth Daily Gazette” reported, “thousands of acres of red hot ruins” and “thousands more a sea of flame.” Some of the painted compositions included Burning of the Court-House, Panic at the Rush Street Bridge, Escaping to the River, and Burning of the Old United States Marine Hospital. The attraction was created at an estimated expense of $250,000. Eyewitness accounts promoted this “most wonderful creation of art” with “thrilling scenes of burning Chicago” presented “truthfully and with a degree of realism impossible to conceive” (Chicago Tribune, October 20, 1893)

The details of the exhibit and depiction of the Great Fire, however, were under scrutiny from the day it opened to the public. An article on May 22, 1892 in the Chicago Tribune defended the careful researched process to maintain accuracy of the events that occurred in 1871 (page 39). In an article titled, “How People See the Same Thing Differently,” manager Gross stated, “I think the picture is as accurate as any that will ever be made. But what a time it took to get the facts and exact location in some instances, and other data necessary to make the work so accurate that those who saw the fire would agree with the reproduction!” Gross continued, “But with every human endeavor to attain this result, it is strange, interesting, and sometimes sad to overhear some of the old settlers who, viewing the work, begin to disagree about the details. And so it was in the gathering of facts for the painting.”

The example that Gross used during the exhaustive research prior to the design of the model was contacting the proprietor of a Lake Street business that caught fire. The proprietor explained that he knew the building caught on fire at 10am as he was just coming down to the business. Yet the bookkeeper arrived at 8am and explained that the fire had started two hours earlier. Disputing both reports was the man in charge of the building who reported that the structure caught on fire at 3am. Gross explained that this was the case with most eyewitness accounts that told drastically different versions of the same story. They had to select only one story to illustrate. During the design of the painting, over fifty individuals all swore that they witnessed the fire from its inception and described their experience to Gross and his stenographer. In the end, 1,300 eye witnesses accounts were collected during the design process. Gross summed up the inaccuracies stating, “The discrepancy or difference reminds me that the late Gen. Crook once said that a hundred Indians (or any number), would see an occurrence and each would describe it alike, but no two white men could do it.”

The Chicago Fire attraction was on display for the majority of 1892 and remained throughout the duration of the Columbian Exposition in 1893. The exhibit finally closed on October 10, 1893. An article posted in Chicagology noted that the after the attraction closed, the canvas was stored in a warehouse on South Indiana Avenue and eventually sold to a junk dealer for only $2.00 in 1913. According to Meier, Gross wanted to give the Chicago Fire Cyclcorama to the City of Chicago, provided Chicago Fire Cyclorama and the original Battle of Gettysburg (made in Brussels by Paul Philippoteaux) parked in his front yard at 600 Indiana Avenue until Gettysburg was sold for $1 in 1910 and CHICAGO FIRE was sold for $2 in 1913.

The only item that remains of the cyclorama is the original 1/10 scale design. The Chicagology article continued to report that this design was ,“recently discovered sitting, uncatalogued, in the Chicago History Museum archives. The painting, measured four feet high by forty feet long.” The October 19, 1892, “Inter Ocean” article verified the use of this design, reporting that the Chicago Fire Cyclorama was “made from photos and original sketches” (page 7).

Michael Kutzer and Gene Meier added information about the Chicago Fire cyclorama that was posted in Chicagology. I introduced Meier in yesterday’s post, but Kutzer also specializes in the same subject matter, specifically the F. W. Heine Diaries and panorama artists in Milwaukee. Meiers and Kutzer revealed that in November 1889 F. W. Heine was asked by a Mr.Van Valkenburgh if he would like to make the composition of the Chicago Fire for the rotunda building on Michigan between Madison and Monroe in Chicago that housed the “Battle of Shiloh” painting. The Chicago Fire cyclorama was painted by scenic artists Lorenz and Wilhelmi of Heine’s studio in Milwaukee.

To place Heine in context, an article titled “Fine Art in Milwaukee” credited F. W. Heine as “the celebrated battle painter from Leipzig” (The Nebraska State Journal, March 2, 1890). Heine was listed as one of the many European artists working for the American Panorama Company in Milwaukee. The article further reported “each one bore a high reputation in his own country.” There will be more about this Milwaukee panorama company in tomorrow’s post.

To be continued…

Here is the link to the Chicago Fire Panorama at Chicagology: https://chicagology.com/chicago-fire/fire031/

The Volcano of Kilauea cyclorama was part of the Midway Plaisance at the Columbian Exposition in 1893. Placed between the Ferris Wheel and the Chinese Theatre, the polygonal-shaped building was 140 feet in diameter by 60 feet high. Exterior signs advertised “Hawaii, Palace of Pele, Burning Lakes of Kilauea” and “Greatest Volcano on Earth in Action.” Other advertisements promised visitors a painted that depicted a crater “9 Miles Around. 1000 Feet Deep.” At the entrance to the attraction was a statue of “Pele Goddess of Fire.”

There are various legends that tell of how Pele came to live in the volcano of Kiluaea on the big island of Hawai’i. Many western versions describe the goddess as fiery-tempered, passionate and jealous. She is presented as a disobedient daughter, angry sister, or spurned lover. The story of Pele at the Columbian Exposition described her hurling fire-brands into the sea, aiming at a native prince who wronged her and was hiding in the ocean.

I share another story of Pele; one that I read on a text panel at a Lahaina visitor’s center museum in Maui. It is told that Pele journeyed across the ocean from a distant place called Kahiki. She traveled across with other members from her family. As with Pele, each embodied a force of nature. Pele employed her diving rod, Pa’oa, to survey each island’s capacity to provide her with a home. She dug up great craters and shaped each island into its present form with fire and lava. Pele ended her epic journey on Hawai’i, the largest and southernmost island of the Hawaiian Archipelago. There she still dwells in the fire pit of Kilauea.

Walter Burridge’s cyclorama for the Columbian Exposition was reported as 412 feet long and 54 feet high. It presented a view of Pele’s fiery palace from the center of the crater. The actual crater was a huge depression that measured about three miles by two miles. Halemaumau Crater at the summit of Kilauea Volcano is also referred to as the Navel of the World – Ka Piko o ka Honua. There, many believe that the gods began creation.

Visitors to this Midway attraction were positioned in the center of the crater and gazed around at “bubbling and seething pools and lakes of fire.” The “Handbook of the World’s Columbian Exposition” (Rand McNally & Co., 1893) describes the scene as “seething pools and lakes and fire; tall jagged crags; toppling masses of rocks; outpourings of lava – some flowing along in hissing, smoking streams, and some cooled in every fantastic shape imaginable.”

Sound effects accompanied the painted exhibit. Dull rumblings, distant thunder, and a sudden roar echoed throughout the display. The floor also moved to simulate the volcanic activity as the earth shook and labored near the crater. In addition to the sound and movement, pyrotechnic displays and colored lights added a reality to the setting. In the background of the cyclorama were the snowcapped peaks of Mauna Loa and Mauna Kea at their lofty elevation of 15,000 feet high. Opposite was the vast expanse, was the Pacific ocean and moonlit waves.

Three-dimensional foregrounds were carefully blended into the two-dimensional paintings, making an almost imperceptible transition to provide a vast depth to the scenic illusion. Fragments of rocky outcrops transitioned into painted cliffs. Painted figures and scale “dummies” were placed throughout the landscape. A live actor added an additional element of realism to the scenic illusion; climbing the cliffs that rimmed the scene, he chanted an invocation to the volcano goddess Pele. The attraction successfully marketed Lorrin A. Thurston’s homeland and his recent acquisition of the Volcano House on the northeastern side of the crater.

To be continued…

Theater history isn’t always recorded by those directly involved in the production. There are written accounts by individuals who were in the audience or reviewing the performance. The writings of Thomas G. Moses are unique as we see the world of theatre through the eyes of a scenic artist and designer. When perusing through all of the documents sent to me by Gene Meier, fellow historian who is tracing 19^th century panorama painting, something stuck out. It was the writings of Lorrin A. Thurston (1858-1931) connected to Meier’s findings pertaining to the Kilauea Volcano cyclorama. Thurston was a lawyer, politician and businessman raised in Hawaii. He was the grandson of one of the first missionaries sent to the Sandwich Islands. Thurston also played a prominent role in overthrowing the Kingdom of Hawai’i under the rule of Queen Lili’uokalani during 1893.

Thurston invested in the renovation and enlargement of the Volcano House during 1891 – the same year as Walter Burridge’s visit to create sketches for the cyclorama. The original Volcano House (a grass hut) was built on the northeastern side of the crater by Benjamin Pitman Sr., a Hilo businessman, in 1846. A second grass-thatched Volcano House was constructed in 1866, boasting four bedrooms, a parlor and a dining room. Mark Twain visited this particular structure. The 1866 house was torn down in 1877 and rebuilt with wood. By 1885, Wilder’s Steamship Company of Honolulu purchased the Volcano House and operated it until 1890. That same year, Thurston’s writings record his seeking out the owner of the site – Samuel G. Wilder and creating the Volcano House Company. At the same time, the company purchased the Punaluu Hotel from Peter Lee, who was then placed as the manager of both hotels. The Volcano House property was remodeled and enlarged to a two-story frame building with fourteen rooms and an observation deck for visitors to see the lava activity and the crater several hundred yards away.

On November 10, 1891, the Hawaiian Gazette published “Latest From the Volcano,” reporting a number of visitors including Mrs. Senator Stewart, Mr. and Mrs. Hyman, Miss Hirschberg. Messrs. Morrell and Blue of Pensacola, High, Scott, Walter Burridge, and C. A. Webster, “returned Tuesday afternoon on the Hall, having enjoyed an exceptionally quiet passage down.” The article continued, “All are enthusiastic over accommodations afforded by the Volcano House and general improvements in transportation arrangements. The volcano is reported to be in a fairly active condition, and is gradually rising to its old level of last March. It is estimated that the lake is now within four or five hundred feet of the top, and is perhaps a quarter of a mile in diameter at its widest point. Liquid lava and cakes of half-frozen crust are thrown, in the centre of the lake, to a height of twenty or thirty feet. If the lake continues to rise at its present rate, there will be an overflow in about seven or eight months.”

Thurston was also interested in bringing Hawaii into the American public’s eye and began an exciting marketing plan for the island. A railroad advertising agent was being hired to visit Hawaii, take pictures and print marketing brochures. Thurston and a few other investors were creating “Vistas of Hawaii, The Paradise of the Pacific and Inferno of the World.” In August 1891, approximately 10,000 large pamphlets and 50,000 smaller pamphlets were printed for distribution. But this was a small part of a much larger picture.

Thurston then traveled to Chicago and secured a concession for a cyclorama of Kilauea to be included in the Midway Plaisance for the 1893 Columbian Exposition. He had help from Michael H. De Young, owner of the San Francisco Chronicle and California commissioner for the World Fair. Thurston returned to Honolulu, organized “The Kilauea Cyclorama Co.” and became the company’s president. W. T. Sense was the company’s first manager. They arranged for Burridge to visit Hawaii from October 13 to November 11, 1891. Burridge would sketch Kilauea in action and reproduce a spectacle for the fairgrounds. He was representing the scenic studio of Albert, Grover & Burridge.

On September 9, 1891 (page 7) the Chicago Daily Tribune reported that there were at least thirty firms in Europe who wanted to include a panorama at the Columbian Exposition and that the Ways and Means Committee was not prepared to consider panoramas at the present time. The committee did state that if panoramas were included, it would ask for twenty-five percent of gross receipts. That was half less than the fifty percent asked of Buffalo Bill for his Wild West show! It might have also helped that Burridge’s business partner was also a chair for one of the Fair committees.

By 1898 Hawai’i became a U. S. Territory. Thurston also opened a newspaper that same year – “Pacific Commercial Advertiser.”

On December 3, 1891, the “Honolulu Adviser” reported “Walter Burridge, the scenic artist, had his sketches stopped by the Custom House authorities at San Francisco for duty. Some friends at that place saw the Collector and arranged the matter without cost to Mr. Burridge.” Good to have friends around in your time of need.

To be continued…

The Volcano of Kilaueau cyclorama for the 1893 Columbian Exposition was designed and painted by Walter Wilcox Burridge, the previous business partner of Thomas G. Moses. Burridge was part of another scenic studio when he journeyed to Hawaii during October 1891. Earlier that year, “Albert, Grover & Burridge” established their studio at 3127 State Street in Chicago. Their establishment was a marked departure from previous scenic studios as they implemented advancements in the methods of mounting and presenting stage plays to their clients. Albert was the scenic artist for the Chicago Auditorium, Burridge was the scenic artist for the Grand Opera House and McVicker’s, and Oliver Grover was a well-known instructor at the Chicago Institute of Art.

On October 20, 1891, the “Hawaiian Gazette” reported, “Walter Burridge, the scenic artist who is engaged to paint the Volcano for the World’s Exposition, leaves for that point to-morrow to make his sketches. He will be accompanied by Mr. Webster, the Chicago journalist, who will send a number of letters to the Chicago Inter-Ocean” (page 7). Webster would submit his story as “Special Correspondences” by “Conflagration Jones.” His series began in November and included a comical character named “Burridge.”

In addition to Webster, the photographer J. J. Williams also joined the group to document the landscape of Kiluaea. Williams would take a number of photographs to assist Walter Burridge in the final painting for this Midway Plaisance attraction.

On October 27, 1891, the “Hawaiian Gazette” published an article about the upcoming Columbian Exposition (page 2). The article reported, “It now looks as though our modest little country might furnish one of the chief attractions of the Columbian Exposition, viz., a panorama and the volcano.” Both Burridge and Webster were described in the article: “[Webster] is on staff of the Chicago Inter-Ocean, a daily with a circulation of about 80,000 and has been engaged by the Volcano House Co. to write for the Inter-Ocean a series of twelve articles on Hawaii” and Burridge was “a leading landscape artist of Chicago.” The formation of a panorama joint stock company, initially be called “The Kilauea Cyclorama Co.,” would carry the enterprise through to completion. The article continued, “The cost of the panorama will probably be $20,000 – though the amount cannot be ascertained at present with accuracy. The hope is that a suitable building can be obtained so that the company will not be put to the cost of erecting an edifice.”

In order to market this endeavor, however, the public needed to support the project and the large price tag. Hawaiians needed to see the value in participating in the 1893 World Fair. The “Hawaiian Gazette” promoted the endeavor, publishing, “The Columbian Exposition offers an opportunity to advertise this country and make its advantages known, which is simply unparalleled. It is safe to assume that no opportunity will offer itself on a similar scale within perhaps a generation to come. The Hawaiian Government and private individuals should strain every nerve to utilize the opportunity to the utmost. Hawaii must be properly represented. We have a full and fine exhibit – one which will illustrate with completeness the character, conditions and prospects of the country, which will give an adequate conception of its generous climate and unrivaled fertility of its soil. The Hawaiian Band should be sent there. In connection with the panorama, vast quantities of literature with reference to the Islands can be circulated in the shape of books, pamphlets and circulars.”

Excitement for the project continued to build throughout the remainder of fall as Burridge rapidly completed his sketches at the Volcano House. Both Hawaiian and Chicago newspapers began marketing the project and promoting this tropical location as an ideal destination for tourists.

To be continued…

 My past few installments looked at Thomas G. Moses’ contribution to the Columbian Exposition Midway Plaisance in 1893. His good friend and colleague, Walter Wilcox Burridge (1857-1913), also created a spectacular exhibit for the Midway Plasiance – a cyclorama of Kilueau, complete with scenic effects. Moses initially left Sosman & Landis in the 1880s to start a business with Burridge called “Burridge Moses and Louderback.” Burridge and Moses were the artists and Louderback was the businessman who specialized in art. Although their company was short lived, the two artists remained friends for the rest of their lives until Burridge passed away in 1916.

Burridge left his business with Moses after experiencing a series of struggles with Louderback. He went back to his old scenic art position at the Chicago Opera, but soon formed another partnership – “Albert, Grover and Burridge.” This company with Ernest Albert and Oliver Grover built a new type of scenic studio, complete with a full-scale display area (see installments #134-137). Burridge was still working at “Albert, Grover, and Burridge” when he designed and created the cyclorama for the Columbian Exposition.

To provide a little context for Moses’ theatrical productions and scenic art at the Columbian Exposition, it seems an appropriate time to include the work of Burridge.

Some of the my information and images for the next few posts have been provided by Eugene “Gene” B. Meier, Jr., M.S. Ed. Our paths crossed during the summer of 2017 as I researched Walter Burridge and the projects that he worked on with Moses (see installments # 131-135). Meier’s name first popped up in a Google search that linked me to his writing for Askart.com. Just as I wrote the biographical information for Thomas G. Moses at Askart, Meier did the same for Walter W. Burridge. The next time I saw a Meier’s post was in a Chicagoloy comment. On January 18, 2016, Meier posted that here were six rotunda panoramas represented at World Columbian Exposition.

I repeatedly stumbled across a series of public postings, all with Meier’s name attached to the information. He was studying the scenic artists and companies who painted nineteenth century panoramas and cycloramas. Meier was doing the exact same thing that I was doing – except I was focusing on Masonic Theaters as the end product. Meier was creating a spreadsheet from the American point of view about 19^th century panorama painting.

In one of his posts, he mentioned Walter Burridge and also commented about his examination of the scenic art diaries by F. W. Heine at the Milwaukee Historical Society. I had also looked at those same diaries during a United States Institute of Theatre Technology Conference when the convention was in Milwaukee! It was at this point that I decided to contact Meier. There were too many instances where our research was covering the same ground.

Now contacting another historian can be like crossing a tightrope over Niagara Falls; one misstep could end the whole stunt. It is understandable that they might not want to share too much, especially if they are preparing to publish their findings. However, scholars really needs to share some of their information because it typically leads to new discoveries and facts that may otherwise remain hidden. I decided to take a chance and put all of my cards on the table and waited for Meier to respond.

It is possible that I was the first person to really show a shared interest in his topic, or that he is a completely trusting soul and sees the importance of bringing this information to light. Like me, his actions suggested that it was more important to share his research instead of being recognized for his particular contribution. We immediately recognized each other as kindred spirits and fellow historians who were working toward a bigger picture. But there was something else propelling his search – family. Meier has a personal connection to the art form as his great aunt was a student of panorama artists Richard Lorenz and Otto v. Ernst. For me, THAT could be a story in itself – except that I am swimming in tales already.

I received a flood of emails with attachments during July 2017 as he sent a lot of his primary research. This is a perfect example of “be careful of what you wish for” as you might have every request fulfilled. I am still in the process of slowly filtering through Meier’s files. I have been waiting for an appropriate opportunity to introduce and promote both Meier and his project. With my recent trip to Hawaii to see Thomas G. Moses’ great-grandson and my current examination of Moses’ contribution to the 1893 Columbian Exposition, now seems the ideal time. Tomorrow we look at the Burridge’s design and painting for his spectacular attraction – the Cyclorama of Kilauea.

To be continued…

 Thomas G. Moses painted the “Chinese Theatre” attraction for the Midway Plaisance at the 1893 Columbian Exposition. Although it was located a considerable distance from the western gate of the fairgrounds, two distinctive towers easily identified the building. Opposite Old Vienna, the Chinese attraction was exhibit number 35.

Guidebooks advertised it as “Chinese Theatre, Joss House, Bazaar and Café.” The Joss House depicted representations of Chinese life, “dating back 400 years, showing both in scenery and figures their religious beliefs, modes of punishment and general way of living.” There was also a temple of worship included in the attraction.

The Wah Ming Company organized the Chinese attraction, under the direction of a showman from Ogden, Utah, named Col. H. Sling. It was reported that the exhibit was transported to Chicago at an expense of $100,000. Entrance to the bazaar was free, with individual shows and attractions charging a fee – such as the fortune teller and the show. The Chinese theatre’s production was called “God in Heaven” and involved a large cast. Performances were advertised as using “Chinese actors in handsome all-silk costumes.” In fact, it was intended as a traditional Chinese Opera, “imported direct from China.” Males played the female leads. Chinese musicians were also reported as “playing on native instruments” to accompany the performance.

Like many of the foreign attractions, especially those from the East, the displays were meant to amuse the general public and not necessarily educate visitors about other peoples and cultures. China was not really presented as an “advanced” or “civilized” country when compared to its western counterparts.

On November 1, 1893, The Daily Inter Ocean (Vol. 22, No. 220) published an article titled “The Story of the Midway Plaisance.” In it, the Chinese attraction was described in detail:

“A Chinese theater, restaurant, bazaar, and Joss-house combined, in a sky blue structure with red trimmings, attracted people fond of boiler-shop fugues and sonatas with pure Wagnerian motives. The music was too much like a dynamite explosion in a tin shop to be strictly popular. Some of the more hardy came and listened to a Chinese lecture on the beauties of Chinese drama at a slight additional fee, which was being delivered by subscribers in numbers on the installment plan. A small percentage tried it and came away after a session in a state of extreme fret and anxiety to learn whether or not the villain was foiled in the fifth act, which they might see returning in ten days. The religious exercises were so only in name.”

To be continued…

Thomas G. Moses painted scenery for “A Street of Cairo” at the 1893 Columbian Exposition. It was directly across from the Moorish Palace and Turkish Village. The attraction included 26 buildings that presented an idealized view of Egypt and was never intended as an exact replica of any particular street. World Fair guidebooks note that some of the structures were stylistic imitations of well-known monuments, but that is where historical accuracy ended. Dozens of stands sold “authentic” Egyptian items to passersby as they wandered through the fair. Everything on display was placed to turn a profit, unlike the official fair exhibits from foreign countries.

Historical records suggest that Egypt was not in any financial position to participate as an official exhibit at the Columbian Exposition. However, many from the country recognized the potential for positive propaganda and tourism if the country was included in the fair. Privately funded, “A Street in Cairo” was managed by Georges Pangalo. Pangalo was born in Smyna, Turkey, to a Greek father and English mother. Over the years, he worked in various fields, from railroad service and journalism to banking and financial management.

For the Columbian Exposition, Pangalo worked with Max Herz, the chief architect to the Comité de Conservation des Monuments de l’Art Arabe. This was the official state agency responsible for the preservation of Arab-Islamic monuments in Egypt. The intention was for Herz’s official position to give credibility to Pangalo’s endeavor.

Traveling to Cairo, Herz employed the Austrian architect Eduard Matasek to assist him in the preparation of the necessary plans for the attraction. Most components for the buildings were produced in Cairo and shipped to America. The buildings were then assembled on site under the supervision of a Chicago architect. Herz later arrived to supervise the final stages of the construction.

In addition to the architectural accuracy, costumed participants, camels, and donkeys provided an air of authenticity. The Chicago attraction was modeled after the 1889 Paris Exposition’s “Rue de Caire.” In Chicago, performance venues complimented the street vendors and foreign structures. The Turkish Theatre, the Algerian Theatre and the Persian Theatre all advertised stage shows, complete with scenery depicting the appropriate locales. Many of the stage scenery was painted by Chicago artists, such as Moses. In these theaters, popular dancers such a “Little Egypt” (Fahreda Mahzar) performed their routines. A variety of musical entertainments from the Ottoman Empire were on display for the inquisitive public.

Other performances that appeared outside of the theatre and on the street were staged processionals or small vignettes. One example was Achmet, the celebrated “donkey boy of Cairo.” This young man arrived in Chicago on April 13, 1893 and began work the next day. He wandered through the fairgrounds with his donkey named “Yankee Doodle.” All summer, little children rode up and down the “Street in Cairo,” from café to the “Temple of Luksor” (Luxor) and back for a fee.

These shows and street scenes transported visitors to a foreign land in settings that specifically catered to the American public. The types of entertainment produced for the Midway Plaisance were a mixture from many cultural traditions. For the fair, Pangalo imported a diverse array of individuals and groups from different locations throughout the Ottoman Empire. Not all of the performers returned to their native lands after the fair, however, some remained in the area and established new homes. America became an even larger melting pot.

The nineteenth-century fascination with the exotic permeated many other areas of society beyond the commercial theatre. Masonic halls, Scottish Rite stages, Shrine auditoriums and other fraternal spaces enthusiastically incorporated elements from the East into their buildings and ceremonials. The Columbian Exposition did not usher in this movement, but it certainly promoted what was possible and visually appealing. The theatrical manufacturers and suppliers that decorated the fairgrounds were well versed in this exotic aesthetic.

In addition to midway amusements, Moorish revival style buildings appeared across the country in other public spaces. Scenes from the Orient dominated periodical illustrations, stereoscopic cards, themed rooms and other popular amusements. Horseshoe arches, window tracery, onion domes, minarets, decorative brickwork and stucco exteriors rapidly appeared in many metropolitan cities. The architectural ornamentation and painted decorations for “A Street in Cairo” were replicated hundreds of times over for one particular performance venue – the Scottish Rite.

The manufacturers of Scottish Rite degree productions enthusiastically embraced the exotic. Palatial scenes, landscapes, and temple interiors all included visual elements from well-known illustrations of nineteenth-century artists. Traveling artists both captured and popularized the foreign monuments, people and traditions. David Roberts and John Frederick Lewis were just two examples of those who recorded archeological discoveries and the culture of the Egypt and the Middle East. Their scenes would reappear through hundreds of commercial and fraternal performance venues. In turn, Charles Graham who was once a scenic artist, created dozens of illustrations that memorialized “A Street in Cairo.”

To be continued…

During 1893, Thomas G. Moses worked on a variety of productions, spectacles and other attractions, including an elaborate revival of the “Black Crook” for Imre Kiralfy (1845-1919). The June 12, 1892, issue of the “Chicago Tribune” included the article, “Kiralfy’s New Pantomime for Chicago.” The article reported that Henry Abbey made a contract with Imre Kiralfy to furnish a new pantomime and produce it at the Auditorium in Chicago during the Columbian Exposition.

Kiralfy’s 1893 revival of “The Black Crook” was intended to be one of his largest indoor productions to date. Imre and his brother Bolossy (1848-1932) had previously staged a revival of “The Black Crook” during August 1873. It was their first musical spectacle at Niblo’s Garden Theatre and played over one hundred performances. Then the production went on tour, breaking the record number of performances for a revival. It was this production that brought the brothers immediate fame in America.

Imre and Bolossy were born to Jacob Königsbaum and Anna Weisberger in Budapest, two of seven children. The brothers were trained as dancers and soon performed for a variety of venues, such as the Hungarian Circus. They traveled throughout Europe under the stage name “Kiralfy” due to their father’s activities during the Hungarian revolution. Their other siblings also joined the dance industry and the family motto became, “All the World’s a Stage.” The Kiralfys soon became producers and organized pageants by their mid-twenties.

Their travels eventually brought them to America in 1869 where they produced extravagant stage shows with spectacular scenic effects, large casts and stunning costumes. The brothers later separated, but each continued to produce shows. Imre primarily focused on grand spectacles, such as “The Fall of Rome” that was staged on Staten Island with two thousand performers.

Imre’s 1892 revival of “The Black Crook” was intended to challenge Eugene Tompkins’ version at the New York Academy of Music.   Tompkins production opened in August 1893 and the September 5 Chicago Tribune review of his production reported, “Expectation has been both filled and disappointed in the “Black Crook” at the [New York] Academy. For sightlines in its costumes and scenery the spectacle has never been surpassed in this country.”

During October 1892 there was another revival of “The Black Crook” that appeared for a week at the Criterion in Chicago with the Alexander and Allen Company. No further mention or advertisements were published of Imre’s intended production, but it did merit mention in Moses’ manuscript that he produced the scenery. It is possible that his scenery was eventually used for the Criterion Theatre production.

Kiralfy also created two other spectacles to coincide with the Columbian Exposition – “Columbus” and “America.” Each would prove to be a grand success. Their patriotic theme and consecutive appearance at the Civic Auditorium might have been why the “Black Crook” revival fell to the wayside and was never performed at the Auditorium as intended.

Kiralfy’s son Charles assisted with the opening of “America, 400 Years of American History.” It premiered at the Auditorium in Chicago and coincided with the opening of the World’s Columbian Exposition. It grossed almost one million dollars in its seven-month run.

Imre also produced “Columbus and the Discovery of America” that opened at the Madison Square Garden Theatre, later touring to the Auditorium in Chicago during the World Fair. For this production, he hired Thomas G. Moses to create the scenery. “Columbus” then toured for two years.

The amount of scenery that Moses produced from 1892 to 1893 is astounding. There is also an added interest for me concerning Moses’ involvement in the 1893 revival. At this same time, he was working with David Austin Strong, one of the original scenic artists for the 1866 production of the show. Moses had been painting with Strong since starting at the Sosman & Landis studio. His typed manuscript records that he and Strong painted a panorama of Grant’s trip around the world, the first project completed after the main studio was built.

What a small world, then and now.

There is also one more connection that affects another history beyond the stage; Kiralfy, Strong and Moses would all become Scottish Rite Masons.

To be continued…