In 1913 Moses wrote, “The
Palette and Chisel Club boys wanted me to give an exhibit at the club. I always refused, claiming that I am not in
the picture game, and paint pictures for pleasure only. September 3rd, a committee came to
the house and insisted on going to the studio, I had over three hundred
pictures in the studio; some very good but the other 275 were not as good, but
the boys seemed to think I had at least 250 good ones, which was quite
flattering… November 3rd, I got all my framed pictures; oil, watercolor,
pen and ink and lead pencil. While we
were hanging the show, Father McCann dropped in a bought one canvas for $200.00
and another for $100.00, starting the sale in good shape.
An announcement in the “Oak Park Leaves” on Nov. 8, 1913, appeared under
the heading, “Palette and Chisel Club Exhibits Sixty Paintings of Oak
Park Man.” The article reported, “There is an exhibition of pictures by Thomas
G. Moses, of 233 Euclid South, now on view at the Palette and Chisel club, 59
East Van Buren Street, Chicago. The opening-reception, which inaugurated the
exhibition, was held Wednesday evening and the pictures may be seen until
November 22. On weekdays the exhibition will be open from 10 to 7 o’clock, and
on Monday, Wednesday and Saturday evenings until 9 o’clock.” The article cited an excerpt from “The Cow
Bell,” the Palette and Chisel club newsletter: “November 4 should is a great
day for the club, as it does the Tom Moses exhibition. Uncle Tom, as he always
will be to the camp contingent, has to be rooted out of his Oak Park residence
like a poor retired badger, before Mac-Combs could get at the spoils. Tom has
shied consistently at one-man shows and Mr. Moses had to put on blinders before
Mac hitched him up for November 4. Mac says
the painting Tom has done while jogging around these United Railways of America
passes belief and also promises some rare treats to those who know him only as
a painter of scenery to the crowned heads of Thespia.”
The formal exhibition announcement stated, ‘There is not one
of our members of whom we are more proud. There is probably not another painter
in Chicago who has sought out and painted so many of the beauty spots of our
own country. From a thousand sketches and paintings sixty have been selected, and
are hung in our club to give our members and their friends an opportunity of
seeing a representative collection of the works of Thomas G. Moses” (page 5).
Of the fall art exhibition,
Moses wrote, “I sold 20 pictures; some very cheap to artist members. The whole sale netted only $675.00 which was
not so bad for a scene painter.” Keep in
mind that $675.00 in 1913 is approximately $17,546.32 today.
Moses’ continued, “A great many
of the members didn’t expect to see so many or as good pictures as I had the
pleasure of showing there. The amount of
the sale went far ahead of what I thought it would. It was pretty good for me, and up to this
date it was the most ever sold at the one show.
I had 77 pictures on the walls, oil, water, temper, pen and ink, and
pencil. Maine to California. That made it quite interesting. I received some very flattering newspaper
notices. Mama and Rupert were
responsible for the show, as I would have never gotten it up myself. We opened with a reception, which was well
attended.” Rupert was Moses’ youngest son, and the one who would follow him in
theatre work.
A few months later, Moses was mentioned again in the “Oak
Park Leaves.” An article reported, “Mr.
Moses presented this—a delightful little September landscape, painted in the
neighborhood of Fox Lake, to the parochial guild, and the men folk at once
showed their appreciation of his compliment by clubbing together and purchasing
it for the new rector, Rev. F. R. Godolphin. A very handsome sum will be
realized by the organization” (Saturday, December 06, 1913, page 38).
To conclude 1913, Moses wrote,
“Pitt and the family were with us again this Christmas and we always enjoy them
as the years fly along, and I think at the close of each that during the next,
I will certainly make some progress in pictures and get nearer the goal for
which I have been striving for so many years.
But the everlasting grind and hustling for the mighty dollar has just
about knocked all the ambition out of me and side tracked my picture game. My show this year has given me a lot of
encouragement. I hope to make another
some day. The [Palette & Chisel] boys
want me to do one each year, but that is impossible. I should like to do a whole year’s sketching
and I know at the end I would have something.
The few weeks I get in a year don’t really mean much. I can hardly get started before I have to go. No vacation this year, and I regret it very
much, as I think we are entitled to one each year.”
In 1913, Thomas G. Moses wrote, “I got $3,000.00 contract
from Father McCann of Elgin, for a scenic decoration for their Coliseum. This represented a tropical island and was
very effective, and the Bazaar that was given with the decoration was a very
wonderfully successful one, netting $6,000.00.” To put this project in financial
perspective, $6000 in 1913 is the equivalent of approximately $155,000 today.
That is a lot of money for a church to spend on a bazaar. Father McCann at St.
Mary’s Roman Catholic Church, however, was a poet, lover of the arts, and tango
enthusiast. The 1913 church bazaar was set in the Elgin Coliseum, a venue with
a seating capacity of 4,000. The tropical theme in 1913 supported a variety of
performances, including the controversial dance. For a little perspective, by
1913 dance instructors who taught the tango in Paris were banished from the
city due to the sexual overtones. It is understandable why McCann had to defend
the dance in the regional papers, as he was certainly pushing the envelope of
social acceptability at the time.
The church bazaar was mentioned in the “Joliet Evening
Herald-News” article:
Here is the article, as it provides a little more background
about this quirky clergy member:
“Elgin, Ill., Sept 29.- Father John J. McCann, pastor of St.
Mary’s Catholic church, wants everyone to learn and dance the tango in its
appeared form, which he highly endorsed. He announced today that an exhibition
of the new dance by three children couples under supervision of a professional
teacher will be the feature of the church bazaar next month. His first idea was
to have the teacher instruct adults at the bazaar, but she said improper steps
would creep in unless there had been careful training beforehand, He expects to
throw the dance opinion to all at the next bazaar.”
Moses previously worked for the McCann in 1912, writing,
“Went to Elgin to see Father McCann about a show for their Coliseum – a big
street effect.” Sosman & Landis did another big contract for a pained
street scene for the event. This was another substantial project for the firm
that brought in significant income. Unfortunately, McCann would not remain in
Elgin.
Only a few years later, McCann’s career turned south, after
a conflict with Bishop Peter J. Muldoon that dramatically escalated. McCann was
even taken into custody after a police standoff from inside St. Mary’s Church
in Elgin (see past post # 811 for the
sordid details). However, in 1913 McCann was still poplar with the public and flush
with funds, even purchasing fine artworks from Moses at his 1913 Palette &
Chisel Club art exhibition. Moses recorded
that McCann bought one canvas for $200.00 and another for $100.00, “starting
the sale in good shape.”
In 1913, McCann made headlines again in the “Herald” newspaper
article “Priest Named in Elgin Case” (Crystal Lake, 13 Oct. 1913, page 7). I
think that this was the beginning of the end for Father McCann. Here is the article:
“Elgin.- On the witness stand before Police Magistrate Thompson, William J. Peer, manager of the Chicago Motor Cab company, testified that the automobile in which Joe Connor made his escape from the Elgin State hospital, July 25, was ordered by Father John J. McCann, pastor of St. Mary’s Catholic church, Elgin.” Oh my. It had to have been hard to explain that to Bishop Muldoon.
In 1914, Moses wrote, “The Elgin Coliseum that we started in the fall was put up in February and it was very effective; good lighting. The committee was well pleased with it. The Palette and Chisel Club loaned some pictures. I took up half a dozen and we made a little Art Gallery, and I think we put our name on the map, if nothing else. ”
In 1913, Thomas G. Moses wrote, “Did
an exhibition for the Dairy Show at the Coliseum, November 1st.”
Three Educational Expositions
were held in Chicago during the fall of 1913, the National Dairy Show, the U.
S. Land Exposition, and the International Live Stock Exposition (“Journal
Gazette” Mattoon, Illinois 22 Oct. 1913, age 4). The National Dairy show was held from October
23 to November 1, with exhibits of milk, butter and cheese. Activities included
judging cattle, instructive laboratory work, and discussions on problems of
breeding, feeding and fitting dairy cattle. Dairy Association meetings were also
held throughout the event at Chicago’s International Amphitheatre and the Union
Stockyards; the stockyards included a coliseum. There were also a series of
athletic events staged at the Chicago National Dairy Show, such as motorcycle
polo (Joliet Evening Herald-News, 0 Dec. 1913, page 10).Very little is
available about the Chicago Dairy beyond a few advertisements and some souvenirs
for sale online, so it is difficult to know what was delivered by Sosman &
Landis that year.
I did come across one entertaining
article that described the milking championship at the 1913 Dairy Show. On
October 30 ten dairymen contested for the milking championship of the
world. Of the event, the “Indianapolis
News” reported, “Milking Cow is an Art,” describing the event in detail(30 Oct
1913, page 18). The article reported, “Although in the aggregate they handle
nearly two hundred thousand quarts of milk daily, not one of the contestants
had milked a cow in the last twenty years, and several had never sat on a
one-legged stool before, trying to soothe “bossie,” and hold the milk pail,
drive off flies, dodge the cow’s tail, and milk. The first prize, a leather
medal, big enough to half sole a pair of shoes, was won by S. C. Shedrick, of
Buffalo, proprietor of the Queen City Dairy Company. S. O. Dungan, proprietor
of Polk’s Sanitary Milk Company, of Indianapolis, won second prize, a glass of
milk. While third honors went to John Bingham, president of the Ottawa Dairy
Company, of Ottawa, Canada. Bingham started under a handicap. In the first
place, he forgot which was the proper side to introduce himself to “boss” and
was kicked to remind him of the breach of conventionalities. Later, when his
pail was half full, he moved his one-legged stool and spilled the milk. John
LeFeber, of Milwaukee, claimed fourth honors and clamored for a prize, although
only three were offered. He said the cow selected for him did not know how to
be milked.”
In 1913, Thomas G. Moses wrote,
“Took a quick trip to Fort Wayne and settled for a lot of Masonic work at the
Temple.”
Over the past few years, I have repeatedly
mentioned the Fort Wayne Scottish Rite.
Like many other Scottish Rite stages, their scenery collection was a
compilation of backdrops produced by more than one scenic studio over the
years. This is not unusual. It was common for Scottish Rite clients to make
multiple purchases over a period of years or decades, repairing, replacing and
sometimes upgrading their stage work. Masonic scenery collections are like patchwork
quilts, all composed of different fabric squares with their own history.
Sosman & Landis records note
that they delivered scenery to the Fort Wayne Scottish Rite in 1907 and 1913. The
first scenery was delivered prior to the completing the 1909 building. Keep in
mind that the Santa Fe Scottish Rite ordered a fill set of scenery for practice
prior to the opening of their new building. In Fort Wayne, additional scenery
for the 1909 building was delivered by Toomey & Volland, not Sosman &
Landis. However, it is very likely that some of the original 1907 Sosman &
Landis backdrops were transferred to the new stage in 1909.
Toomey & Volland delivered
scenery to the Fort Wayne Scottish Rite in 1909 and 1945. The 1909 stage was unveiled at the
consecration and dedication ceremony of the Scottish Rite Cathedral on Nov. 17,
1909. The three-day fall reunion coincided with this event. Furthermore, a 1912 advertisement in the “The
New Age Magazine” credited Toomey & Volland with the stage scenery installed
at the Fort Wayne Scottish Rite. Moses’
1913 entry in his diary, “Took a quick trip to Fort Wayne and settled for a lot
of Masonic work at the Temple” meant that their membership was rapidly growing.
The Fort Wayne Scottish Rite building
was described after it opened in the “Kansas Republic” (December 2). The article noted, “The dedication was held at the regular time of the fall
meeting of the consistory for the Valley of Fort Wayne, and 300 took the
Scottish Rite degrees. Degrees were given from the fourth to the Thirty-second.
Heretofore this valley had no jurisdiction beyond the eighteenth degree, and
the degrees from the 19 to 32 were conferred here for the first time. As the
consistory has already nearly 1,100 members, the Fort Wayne consistory has
become one of the largest in the country” (Kansas City, Dec. 2, 1909).
This information suggests that the original Scottish Rite scenery in
Fort Wayne by Sosman & Landis (1907) was for the 4th-18th
degrees and delivered prior to the construction of the new building. Toomey
& Volland produced the 19019 scenery used in the 19th -32nd degree
productions, delivering it to the new stage.
The “Kansas Republic” article further described the new
Scottish Rite Cathedral in Fort Wayne: “The cathedral is three stories high,
with a spacious basement. The ground floor will be the banquet and ballrooms,
with galleries. The social rooms are on the second floor, which is also
provided with quarters for the ladies. There is also a room for the Mystic
Shrine. The third floor is occupied by the consistory auditorium, which is
arranged on the stadium plan with tiers of opera chairs rising steeply, so that
those in the rear seats can all see the work on the large floor below. There
are seats for nearly 600 in this auditorium. The organ loft is in the north and
at the south end there is a spacious stage provided with scenery, the work of a
St. Louis firm.” The “St. Louis firm”
mentioned was Toomey & Volland.
There are many reasons why the Fort Wayne Scottish Rite
may have reached out to Sosman & Landis for new scenery in 1913. If Toomey
& Volland could not complete the project in the allotted timeframe, they
likely recommended Sosman & Landis. Demand for painted scenery was still
greater than supply, making for friendly competition.
Big events were continually planned at the Fort Wayne
Scottish Rite too, also providing an incentive for new stage settings. In 1913,
the “Fort Wayne Sentinel” announced “Masons Gather in Fort Wayne, Spring
Scottish Rite Meeting Attracts Large Number of Visitors” (15 April 1913, page
2). Scottish Rite Masons from Northern Indiana and the Fort Wayne area gathered
for the opening session of the annual spring convocation in 1913. Several
hundred Masons attended the spring convocation that lasted three days. As
Scottish Rite membership skyrocketed in the early twentieth century, additional
scenes for degree productions were continually added to existing collections.
This practice was common as Scottish Rite bodies continued to focus on superior
membership experiences during ceremonials.
In 1914, the “Fort Wayne Sentinel” announced that the
Scottish Rite had added a degree production. This is likely the degree that
used new scenery produced by Sosman & Landis, first mentioned by Moses in
his 1913 diary entry. On Nov. 17, 1914, the article headlined “TO GIVE DEGREE
FOR FIRST TIME. Scottish Rite Convocation Opens With Class of Good Size” (Fort
Wayne Sentinel, page 9). The article continued, “The annual fall reunion of the
Fort Wayne Scottish Rite bodies opened at the Scottish Rite cathedral Tuesday
afternoon with the conferring of the degrees of Fort Wayne Lodge of Perfection
upon a class of half a hundred candidates. Many Scottish Rite Masons of
prominence are in the city to attend the reunion. Fort Wayne consistory has
added another exemplified degree to its list, and the present class will be the
first one in the city to receive the exemplification of the Twenty-second
degree. It will be given late Wednesday evening, and the reunion will come to a
close on Thursday evening.”
The Sosman & Landis’ design for the 22nd
degree was known as “The Carpenter Shop.”
I have documented a few of these scenes over the years, with the
earliest example being in Cheyenne, Wyoming, from 1911. The 22nd
setting did not require a specific composition prior to this time. Many Scottish Rite valleys simply set it in
the woods, using props to suggest a carpenter’s shop, and not an interior
shop. However, adding new settings, or
staging new degrees, facilitated the continued growth of the Rite during this
time. Something new, such as the staging of a new degree, prompted old members
to return and new members to join. It is a standard marketing technique,
repackaging the experience in a way, or creating a superior ceremonial
experience. The Northern Masonic
Jurisdiction became experts at this approach, rewriting and restaging many
degrees over the years. The Southern
Jurisdiction seldom revised, but for a long time continued to expand on the
experience.
I have to wonder if Scottish membership decline was
partially due to the fact that the Fraternity stopped trying to improve
individual experiences for each member. I don’t mean that there was an overt
attempt NOT to care about the degrees or expansion of the membership, but many
Southern Jurisdiction Scottish Rites stopped a variety of practices during the
late 1920s, including the investment in fraternal paraphernalia and new degree
settings. Overall, the development of new scenery for degrees comes to a
screeching halt by the late 1920s. Some cite the Great Depression or military
conflicts as a reason, or various progressive movements and a general backlash against
what some consider conservative establishments. Regardless of the
circumstances, there is a fundamental change in Scottish Rite leadership
beginning at this time, one that still continues until today.
At one point, Masonic membership was primarily composed
of young men, men in their prime and full of ambition and ideas. That is not
meant to say that there were not older members in leadership roles. The
organization may have been guided by older and more experienced members, but was
expanded by younger enthusiastic visionaries. I think of what Bestor G. Brown
accomplished before passing away in his 50s. His contribution to the growth of
the Fraternity was providing a superior experience for its members but
constantly improving the individual experience.
The focus seems to shift away from the continued improvement
of individual member experience to the emphasis as the organization as a
benevolent benefactor, or public persona. The social perception of the
fraternity as a whole seems to become a major driving force in decision making
after WWII.
One example that continues to divide the Fraternity is
large charitable donations that are given away to non-Masonic groups. This is happening at a time when lack of
financial assistance causes many Masonic lodges to close, the same lodges that
continue to donate much of their funding to those outside of the Fraternity.
While a dwindling membership continues to raise massive
funds for Masonic charities, lodges close due to lack of funds. At some point the
gravy train will come to an end and charitable donations cease when there are
not enough lodges to raise money. The thousands of dollars generated from pancake
breakfasts and other activities will end when there is no longer the membership
to staff each event. Ultimately, each lodge that closes is one less lodge that
will contribute funds to Masonic charities. As what point does a lodge
fundraise for themselves or their building repairs, just to keep their doors
open and focus on the membership experience?
I think of the well-known story of the carpenter who lives in a
cardboard house and this seems to be happening in many regions.
In 1913, Thomas G. Moses wrote, “A small job for Elkins, W.
Va. Brought back to mind the enjoyable sketching trips to that region in 1885,
which I have written up in detail elsewhere.”
I have explored many of Moses’ sketching trips during the
late 19th century, including his 1885 journey to West Virginia with
fellow scenic artists Henry C. Tryon and John H. Young, see past post 202-212
for the complete story. In regard to his 1913 project, Elkins is a city in
Randolph County, West Virginia. The community was incorporated in 1890 and
named in honor of Stephen Benton Elkins, a Senator from West Virginia. Elkins’
first opera house built during 1892 was destroyed by fire in 1897 and
immediately replaced.
The second Elkins opera house was built in 1898 and
renovated in 1908. That year the theater was expanded from a 550-seat house to
an 800-seat house. The stage house was also increased at this time, adding a
fly loft and expanding the depth of the stage. This four-story building
situated at 303 Davis Avenue. It was ideally located, situated on the corner
near the major hotel, Hotel Delmonte, city hall and railroad station. Julius
Cahn’s Theatrical Guide for the 1910-1911 season listed that the seating
capacity for the venue was 800 and the stage illuminated with electricity. The proscenium opening measured 21’-0” high
by 30’-0” wide. The height to the gridiron was 41’-0” suggesting a fly loft.
The depth of the stage was 28’-0.” Although there are no specifics about the
exact scenes delivered by Sosman & Landis to Elkin in 1913, it was likely a
replacement set due to the age of the venue, and/or a renovation. The Julius Cahn description in 1905 noted a
proscenium that was only 24’-0” wide and 16’-0” high, not 30’-0” wide and
21’-0” high. Furthermore, the 1905 height from the stage to the rigging loft as
18’-0” and not the 41’-0” notes in 1911. In 1905, Cahn also noted, “grooves
cannot be taken up flush with fly gallery.” The scenery for the first venue was
likely wings and shutters or wings and roll drops. The depth of the stage also
expanded in 1908, when it increased from 23’-0” to 28’-0.”
In regard to Moss’ 1885 sketching trip to the region and his
meeting the namesake of the town, here is an excerpt from Moses’ account of the
sketching trip:
“Early
in the morning, before we reached Piedmont, I noticed a large and very
distinguished-looking gentleman pass through our car several times. He seemed
to be very interested in our traps, easels, sketching umbrellas and stools,
which we had to carry. He inquired of
the Pullman conductor who we were, and was informed that we were artists
looking for some wild country to paint.
He told the conductor to advise us to go up to Davis, on the West
Maryland road, which he did. The
gentleman was Stephen B. Elkins, U. S. Senator [namesake for Elkins]. His father-in-law was H. G. Davis, who lived
at Deer Park, where they left the train.
We were also instructed to see Mr. Harrison, Superintendent of the West
Maryland road, in Piedmont, for transportation.
This we did on Monday morning, and we furnished passes to Davis.
The train did not leave until 2:00 P. M.
We were agreeably surprised to see Mr. Elkins, Mr. Davis and two boys get on
the train, having come down from Deer Park on an early train. Mr. Elkins soon introduced himself and the
other members of his party. They were
not only interested in the road but in the vast coalmines all along the
road. As we started to climb the mountains,
the Blue Ridge, every half-mile revealed to us new beauties of this wonderful
mountain country; here was indeed a virgin forest.
We arrived in Davis about five
o’clock. The first thing we saw at the
depot to remind us that we were in a wild country were six good-sized deer,
dressed for shipment. They were piled on
a truck and a number of eastern hunters, with dozens of deer-hounds, were
strolling about, enjoying the wild life.
The log hotel was certainly very picturesque and nicely situated on the
banks of the Blackwater River, a branch of the Cheat River. It was pretty well filled, but Mr. Elkins
requested the landlord to take good care of us, which he did.
While we were waiting for our dinner, and
were all seated on the big porch, Tryon was seized with stomach cramps. Mr. Elkins noticed Tryon’s groaning and said,
“Mr. Tryon, if you will go up to Room 3 you will find a black grip; open it and
right on top you will find a cure for stomach trouble.” Tryon did this and came down feeling better,
thanked Mr. Elkins, and within fifteen minutes had another cramp. Mr. Elkins said, “Go after it again, Tryon,”
and he did. This time he must have taken
a good long one, for it seemed to settle him.
We certainly did full justice to our
dinner. We had plenty of fresh venison
steak, thanks to our hunters, and after dinner we gathered in the big living
room, or smoking-room as it was soon made by the dozen or more cigars and
pipes. As the hunters were for the most
part from New York, one can readily imagine the big yarns that were told, but
we enjoyed them.
During the night a heavy thunder storm
passed over us, and the wind through the big pine and hemlock trees, together
with the constant baying of the hounds, made the night one of unpleasant
dreams. Tryon and I had a double room. As he was very careless with his clothes –
the floor was better than a chair – he stepped on his derby hat. A fine kind of hat to take on a sketching
trip! Strips of paper glued to the inside of it put it in good working shape
again. The storm soon cleared, the sun
was warm, the howling hounds were fed, and the wild huntsmen were ready for
another day of slaughter.
So were we. After a big breakfast Mr. Elkins, Mr. Davis,
young Elkins, young Davis, Tryon and myself started out on an exploring
trip. We tramped through the wet
underbrush and found a great many places for good sketches. We returned for
luncheon, then took our sketching outfits and Tryon and I started out for
business. I found a big mass of rock
that was very interesting. We were quite
a puzzle to some of the natives, who could not understand why we had come all
the way from Chicago to sketch rocks and trees.
“Didn’t we have any of these anywhere near Chicago?” One trouble we experienced in the eastern
mountains, especially in Virginia, Kentucky, Tennessee and the Carolinas, was
the constant quizzing by the natives to find out whether we were really what we
said we were, or revenue men looking for moonshine whiskey in the general
stores.
A few days of sketching at Davis with
some success rather encouraged us to remain longer. We each had an idea that
something awaited us further down the valley, so we started for Schell. Mr. Elkins had left a day ahead of us, and we
found that he had stopped at Schell, instructing the store-keeper, the
proprietor of the only boarding-place, to take good care of him, and we
appreciated the courtesy. Tryon had told
Mr. Elkins that he was writing an article for the Chicago Tribune and that he would send him a copy; Mr. Elkins was
much pleased.
The General Store at Schell was some
store and included the post office. Back
of that was the living-room and kitchen and there were three rooms
upstairs. Tryon and I occupied one of
these. John Young joined us here and
entered into the spirit of the outing.
The evening of Young’s arrival we were
all in the store. Young was stretched
out on the counter, with his head resting in the scoop of the scales, and
Tryon, with his immense meerschaum, was hitting it up like an engine. We missed the talkative huntsman, but
everyone here was interested in us and our work because Mr. Elkins had told
them who we were.
We had two beds in our room, but had to
pass through a room occupied by the landlord’s son. If he happened to be awake when we retired,
Tryon would always stop and talk with him.
The landlord was an infidel, which pleased Tryon, for it gave him the
opportunity to assist in tearing all of the religion of the world into
shreds. In one way, Tryon did not
believe all he said. I believe he only
wanted a chance to argue.
The store loafers were a motley
crowd. As there was a train arriving
every evening at seven o’clock, it was an excuse for the men to for their mail,
though some of them never received a letter.
The landlord was also the postmaster.
The government paid him a salary according to the number of canceled
stamps that passed out of his office.
Some salary! There were only about one hundred people living in Schell
and these were mostly miners, so the post office probably did very little
business.
The chief topic of conversation while it
varied at times was ‘moonshine,’ and denouncing the government for keeping so
many revenue men about. It was policy, of course, for us to enter the fight and
stick with the men. We had felt, in
spite of what Mr. Elkins had told them, that they had their suspicions regarding
us; we had too much money for artists.
Some of the mountain people did not know who was President of the United
States, and others hardly knew that the Civil War was closed. A very shiftless and lazy crowd, although a
few of them had good positions in the mines.
This particular quality of coal mined here was used for sea-going
vessels; it was very small and dusty.”
I am always amazed at the scope of the people who Moses encountered throughout the duration of his career. He was almost always in the right place at the right time. I have to wonder if Moses reconnected with any of the local citizens that he met there in 1885.
In 1913, Thomas G. Moses wrote,
“Sheehan and Beck dropped in with ‘Bohemian Girl.’ In other words, the two were
in town with the production when they made a point of visiting Sosman &
Landis about another project. The Sheehan English Opera Co. production of “The
Bohemian Girl” was on tour of 1913.
Interestingly, Sheehan initially
performed with Henry W. Savage’s Grand Opera Company. Moses worked for Savage,
designing many of his American Opera productions in New York, just prior to
moving establishing the Moses & Hamilton Studio. The two would have met
while each worked for Savage.
In 1913, Edward M. Beck was the
General Director of Sheehan and Beck, with Sheehan starring in the lead roles. At
the time, Sheehan was called “America’s Greatest Tenor.”
“The Bohemian Girl” was billed
as “the most brilliant musical event of the season,” and toured with
“60-trained Choral Voices” and “20-Special Grand Opera Orchestra” (Sheboygan
Press, Wisconsin, 5 May 1913, page 6). Other performed by the company on the
tour were “The Love Tales of Hoffman,” “Il Trovatore,” “Martha,” and “Chimes of
Normandy.”
One Sheehan-Beck production that
toured in 1913 was “Salome.” “Salome” was a second Sheehan-Beck production with
scenery by Sosman & Landis. Of the
production, Moses wrote, “We turned out a big production of ‘Salome’ for
Sheehan and Beck – some very effective scenes.
A good portion of the contract price never saw our office – one bad
feature about shows that don’t go.” This was always the gamble. “Shows that
don’t go” didn’t always pay their bills. At the scenic studio, a non-payment on
a single project could not financially jeopardize a company, so there had to be
dozens of projects occurring simultaneously to cover shortfalls.
In 1913, Sheehan and Beck also
produced “The Girl From Mumms,” starring Miss Olive Vail, a comedienne who
starred in the original Chicago productions of “A Modern Eve,” “A Stubborn
Cinderella,” “The Girl Question” and “Miss Nobody from Starland.” “The Girl
from Mumms” was advertised as “a Parisian musical novelty,” featuring sixteen
musical hits. Based on the book by J. A. Lacy, the lyrics and music were by
Fred A. Bohnhorst. Of the production, the “Calgary Herald” reported “Scenically
and electrically, nothing has been left undone to make ‘The Girl From Mumms’
the most beautiful musical spectacle of the season”(8 Oct. 1913, page 7).
An interesting article in the
“Post-Crescent” goes into great detail about the costume designer for the
production (Appleton, Wisconsin, 13 Sept 1913, page 6). It seems that Beck
traveled to Paris in 1912 and met Mme. McGregor-Hull, a modiste in Paris whose
creations were “the talk of the theatrical colony there.” The article reports,
“Struck at once by with the originality of the woman and her genius for
creating fashion instead of following it, Mr. Beck made her a proposition to
manufacture the costumes for “ THE GIRL
FROM MUMMS.” Of the scenic elements, advertisements promised, “scenically an
environment of beauty;” that was it. No mention of scenic artist or studio.
Chang is in the winds.
At this time, many newspaper
articles shift focus from describing painted scenery and scenic effects in
detail to costumes and lighting effects. I find this fascinating, as previous mentions
of those who manufacture scenic illusion are no longer included in many reviews.
There may still be a general description of the setting, but the names,
backgrounds and experience of most scenic artists cease as being included to
provide credibility to the production.
In their stead are the names of costumers and lighting designers.
The story of creating three-dimensional stage elements replaces the story of creating two-dimensional ones. There are many other factors to consider when examining this shift: increased realism/naturalism on stage, the emergence of the modern scenic designer, electrical effects and lighting innovations, the increased popularity of moving pictures, and much more. Regardless, there is a definitive shift in how the press presents the production elements to the public in 1913.
In 1913, Thomas G. Moses wrote, “Miles asbestos curtain in Cleveland, which I did, hangs badly and big dents kill my picture. As it is a woven wire asbestos there is no remedy – they should never be folded, always rolled.” There were many different ways to construct a fire curtain for the theatre, with a wire substrate being one.
The demand for asbestos curtains dramatically increased after the 1903 Iroquois Theatre tragedy. As theaters implemented additional steps for fire prevention, asbestos curtain orders increased for at Sosman & Landis. There were a variety of ways to manufacture and install fire curtains as the time, but only one way to ship – rolled. All asbestos curtains demanded careful handling to avoid damaging a painted scene. In 1909, an article in the “Democrat and Chronicle” commented on the installation of a Sosman & Landis asbestos curtain at the Temple Theatre in Rochester, New York: “The asbestos, or fire curtain, will be the first to be placed so as to avoid wrinkling and the beautiful drop curtain will be the last thing” (25 October 1909, page 10).
Today, we hear asbestos and cringe, with many people
demanding its removal, regardless of how beautiful. In 1913, reading the word
“asbestos” on a drop curtain meant safety.
So what is this dangerous substance that caused once comfort
and now causes concern? Asbestos.com (sponsored by the Mesothelioma Center)
notes, “Asbestos is a group of six naturally occurring fibrous minerals
composed of thin, needle-like fibers. Exposure to asbestos causes several
cancers and diseases, including mesothelioma and asbestosis. Although asbestos
strengthens and fireproofs materials, it is banned in many countries. Asbestos
is not banned in the United States.” The main problem is that when asbestos
fibers are inhaled or ingested, the mineral fibers can become trapped in the
body. Trapped asbestos fibers can cause inflammation, scarring and genetic
damage to the bodies cells.
In 1913, however, asbestos was considered a common and
useful product. There were even asbestos pockets in men’s suits, allowing them
to tuck away burning cigarettes. Nearly all of the asbestos mined in the United
States came from Vermont and Virginia, although a little came from Wyoming. The
finest asbestos was considered to be from the Grand Canyon of Colorado and
Arizona. In 1913, asbestos was advertised
as “the most important fire-proofing material known” and was in great demand
for commercial and home use (Lead Daily Call, Lead, South Dakota, 14 Oct. 1913,
page 3). The “Lead Daily Call” reported, “Its fibrous structure adapts it to a
wide range of applications, from woven fabrics such as theatre curtains and
articles of clothing to various forms of asbestos shingles, stucco, plaster,
“lumber,” and other building materials that render structures thoroughly
fireproof. Its lightness, strength, durability, and insulating property against
heat and electricity give it special advantages for structural uses in cars and
electric motor subways…The most common use of asbestos paper, millboard, pipe
covering, and lagging to enclose heat pipes, furnaces, and locomotives in order
to prevent loss of heat by radiation. As a non-conductor of heat it may be used
not only in the preparation of fire proof safes and vaults, but also cold
storage and cooling structures. Houses made of asbestos materials or coated
with asbestos throughout are not only warmer in winter, but cooler in summer.
In recent years, asbestos has been used successfully as a filler in high grade
paints. The finest asbestos thread yet spun carried a small percentage of
cotton and runs over 2 miles to the pound.”
Here is one article that put it all in perspective for
me. On October 25, 1913, the “Ottumwa Tri-Weekly Courier” published “Just a Few
Helpful Uses for Asbestos About the House” (Ottumwa, Iowa, page 4). It is well
worth reading for historical context.
“In your list of household conveniences have you included
a sheet or two of asbestos.
You’d be really surprised to known how valuable this is
about the house. There are thousands of uses to which it may be put to save
work and worry.
You see, asbestos is such a splendid non-conductor of
heat that it equalizes and lessens considerable heat, thus preventing things
from burning when it is intercepted. In addition to this it is non-combustible,
which still further adds to its desirability as a household accessory.
In the kitchen, the laundry, the dining room, the
bathroom – practically in every room in the house it may be used.
The housekeeper as cook can lay a sheet of asbestos over
the gas burner and plate a kettle of jam upon it. The heat will be so modified
as to lessen the opportunity for the scorching of the food. If the bread in the
oven is in danger of burning black upon the bottom, the cook can slip a sheet
of asbestos beneath the pan. If the heat is too intense above the loaf the
protector is laid over it. The modern fireless cooker, designed to hold to heat
within a box, may be lined with sheets of asbestos to resist the escape of heat
from the enclosed buckets of hot food.
Baking day does not monopolize the asbestos, for Tuesday
sees an asbestos iron rest to protect the cover of the ironing board from
scorching. An ingenious housekeeper covered a large pan with asbestos, attached
a handle to what had been the bottom and inverted it over the irons being
heated upon the gas stove. The result was that less gas was required, for all
of its heat was conserved for the irons and not wasted in heating the kitchen
The style of flat irons with removable handles, depends for its special
efficiency upon asbestos linings for the detachable outer shell.
The housekeeper may place around asbestos mats upon the
dining table under hot serving dishes to protect the polished table top beneath
from being marred by heat. Better still, she can buy or make a large sheet of
asbestos to lay beneath the table cloth. These can be purchased made to order
to fit the table exactly. There cost is several dollars, varying with the size
and with the quality of binding and covering. Sheet asbestos can be had cheaply
at the hardware stores, and a clever and economical housekeeper can contrive a
non-conducting silence cloth for herself.
As a matter of fire protection asbestos is invaluable.
Tacked to the ceiling above the furnace, it guards the floor above from
overheating or igniting should the furnace become defective. Where coal heating
stoves and ranges are used and must be set near a wall it is best to have an
asbestos covered board set behind them. When a stovepipe passes through a
ceiling to warm a bedroom above (a common thing in old-fashioned houses) a
sheeting of asbestos should encircle it whenever it would touch combustible
surfaces.
If you have a hot furnace the plumber will probably paste
one thin layer of asbestos around the pipes to conserve their heat. A thick
layer or two separate layers will prevent heat wasting even more efficiently.
One thrifty householder, who is chary of all unnecessary expense, pasted
asbestos thickly all over the outside of his furnace proper. He had never seen
this done before, yet tried the experiment, and reports enthusiastically that
the saving in his coal bills of one year made it worthwhile. Formerly he had
been wasting heat upon the cellar air. A man who followed his example had the
asbestos bound to the furnace cylinder with wire hoops instead of paste.”
To sum up the fondness for asbestos in 1913, many newspapers
included the following quote that year: “All the world’s a stage, but it lacks
an asbestos curtain.”
In 1913, Thomas G. Moses wrote,
“Started a lot of work for McVicker’s Theatre – that was in June. I did all the exterior drops.”
The venue had changed hands
again, and Moses created a set of scenery for the new lessees of the new “McVicker’s
Vaudeville Theatre.” The well-known Chicago establishment had just become a
combination house. McVicker’s Theater, located on West Madison Street, near
State, was once considered the oldest playhouse in Chicago.
On May 10, 1913, “The Lancaster
Intelligencer” reported,
“OLD THEATRE IN FILM RANKS
Chicago’s Fire-Baptized
McVickers Sold for $500,000.
McVicker’s Theatre, Chicago’s
historic playhouse, which has passed through five fires, including the great
fire of 1871, and which has been rebuilt or remodeled after each fire, passed
from the ‘legitimate’ on Thursday when it was sold to a moving picture firm for
$500,000.”
The Jones, Linick & Schaefer
circuit began leasing McVicker’s Theatre in 1913, presenting “popularly priced”
vaudeville acts along with motion pictures. The ticket prices were 10,15 and 25
cents, an affordable option when compared with legitimate theater and you could
stay as long as you wanted from 1p.m. to 11p.m. (Post-Crescent, Appleton,
Wisconsin, 9 May 1913, page 7).
The firm’s partners were Aaron
J. Jones, Adolph Linick and Peter J. Schaefer, They first established their firm
in 1899, leasing Keebler & Co., a store on Clark Street just south of
Madison Street, and establishing a penny arcade. As their operation grew,
Jones, Linick & Schaefer became primarily interested in entertainment,
running amusement parks and theaters. They eventually managed the Orpheum Theatre
on State Street, opposite of the Palmer House (Chicago Tribune, 5 Jan. 1913). By
1913, the firm operated eight Chicago theaters.
On April 29, 1913, the “Chicago
Tribune” announced, “All arrangements for the acquisition [of McVicker’s and
the Colonial] have been made…The Jones, Linick & Schaefer people will open
a vaudeville booking agency of their own on Thursday in offices in the Orpheum
Theatre building in State street, in preparation for the increased business.
They have been booking from the Western Vaudeville Managers’ association” (page
3).
On May 22, 1913, the “Washington Herald” reported, “Jones, Linick & Schaefer, Chicago’s new theatrical triumvirate, who practically dominate the popular vaudeville and moving picture field in the Windy City, have just signed a contract with the Kinemacolor Company of America to install the original nature-colored features of the vaudeville bills at the Colonial and McVicker’s Theatres, their latest acquisitions…Both are located in the heart of “The Loop,” and their cosmopolitan patronage demands the best and latest novelties. Kinemacolor scored such popular success at the Willard, Wilson, and other theaters of their circuit that Jones, Linick & Schaefer decided to make it a permanent feature of their vaudeville bills. In this they were following the example of F. F. Proctor, William Fix, Oswald Stoll, and other leading showmen of America and England” (page 11).
“Moving Picture World” published
an article about Jones, Linick & Schaefer, commenting that moving pictures were
replacing all other vaudeville at the Willard Theatre by 1914. The article, “Picture Programs Supplant Vaudeville in the
Willard” noted, “Vaudeville has been withdrawn from another of the Jones,
Linick & Schaefer houses – the Willard, at Fifty-first street and Calumet
avenue. The Willard was closed Sunday night, Jan. 18 to make the necessary
changes for straight picture programs. A $10,000 organ will be installed. It
will be reopened Monday, Jan. 26. ‘There is no significance in this change,
‘said Mr. Linick. ‘Our patrons in that neighborhood prefer moving pictures to
vaudeville, and we’re trying to give then what they want. The price will be ten
cents, as against the ten-twenty-thirty we charged for vaudeville. Our downtown
houses, the Orpheum, La Salle, Colonial and McVickers will go along just as
they have been” (Sat. January 14, 1914, page 551).
Moses would also deliver scenery
to the Colonial Theatre, also managed by Jones, Linick and Schaefer. In 1913, Moses wrote, “ “A good, big contract
for the Colonial, city– a very complete set.” The addition of “city” means that
it was a complete city setting for the theater, a perfect setting for many
vaudeville acts.
In 1913, Thomas G. Moses wrote, “On the 20th of
May, I completed in less than eight hours, a dark wood drop, 24×40, without any
help. That is something I never
accomplished before – that much in that time.
Sosman was pleased with it. I
didn’t wait for anything to dry – worked in the wet.” We can get some sense of
Moses’ woodland composition for the stage at the time. Many of his landscapes still hang in in
Scottish Rite theaters across the country, including his 1912 setting for the
Santa Fe Scottish Rite that Jo Whaley photographed for our book “The Santa Fe
Scottish Rite Temple: Freemasonry, Architecture and Theatre” (Museum of New
Mexico Press, 2018).
Moses was 57 years old in 1913, with almost four decades of
experience as a scenic artist behind him. His specialty remained landscapes,
particularly picturesque woodland scenes with babbling brooks or small
waterfalls running through the composition. He was very good and very fast by
this point in his career.
Moses’ reputation was built on his speed, a skill set that
he remained proud of until his passing. He was certainly a workhorse and asset
to any project, or studio. As a young scenic artist he wrote, “I was full of
ambition and hustle. If I had been
endowed with a like amount of ability I would have set the world on fire… The
others were able to draw more, because they were better in the artistic end,
but I had it over them when it came to speed.”
In the end, it was a scenic artist’s speed that turned a
profit at any studio. It was speed that initially secured Moses a position Sosman
& Landis, and speed that elevated him to the position as Sosman’s
right-hand man. Moses’ innate drive resulted in the rapid production of painted
settings at Sosman & Landis throughout his duration there, amassing large
profits for the stakeholders. This is one of the reasons that Sosman pleaded
with Moses to return to the studio in 1904 and supervise all design, painting,
construction and installation from that point on; his drive would ensure
success. Moses left his growing business in New York City (Moses &
Hamilton) and returned to Sosman & Landis’ main studio in Chicago.
In the end, Moses expected all of his colleagues to work at his
same rapid pace. I completely understand where he is coming from as I also
expect that of my fellow artists too. Moses’ impatience with slower co-workers is
very apparent throughout his memoirs.
For example, in 1907, he commented on the speed of fellow scenic artist
Ansel Cook who was the shop manager at Sosman & Landis’ annex studio on
19th street. Moses wrote, “We opened our annex studio at 19 W. 20th Street in
July, and Ansel Cook went there as a manager…He did some very good work but was
a long time doing it, which, of course, didn’t pay us.” Moses divided his time
between Sosman & Landis’ main and annex studios that year and after one
extended absence wrote, “Took charge of the 20th Street Studio on my
return weeks. Cook did $750.00 of work
in three weeks. My first three amounted to $3,500.00, some difference. I
hustled while he talked art and what the firm ought to do to get business.” In
Moses’ eyes, anyone that didn’t “hustle” couldn’t pull his full weight at the studio.
I too have built a reputation based on quick turn around
times and high productivity. Much has to do with my individual drive and incentive;
the other reason is that I don’t like stopping for breaks or slowing down. I hate sitting still and frequently forgo
breaks or meals maintain my pace and productivity. I often don’t want to stop
until the end of the day. For me it is difficult to watch any co-worker puddle
around or stop mid-way in a project to take a fifteen-minute break.
I have also noticed that one slow person can drop the overall
productivity in any shop, reducing any group speed to match that of the slowest
worker. So, I sympathize with Moses, sharing his views of those who did not
“hustle.” Any supervisor of a shop looks
for an excuse to drop the dead weight, which Moses touched upon in 1913 when
commenting on a Union strike.
Moses wrote, “The Union called a strike because Sosman
refused to sign a new scale of wages. I
prevailed upon Sosman to sign as I disliked any labor trouble. It only results in being obliged to weed out
some of the non-producers.” Weed out
some non-producers. That says a lot and may have been Sosman’s main goal.
Sosman was also known for his speed, as were most of the top scenic artists of
the day. An artist working at a snail’s pace gouged the profit margin of any
project.
Moses also touches upon an interesting perspective regarding
union strikes; providing an opportunity for a company to “weed out the non-producers.”
As the vice-president of the company and supervisor of all Sosman & Landis
activities, Moses was on the front line, not Sosman. Regardless of Moses’ desire
to make peace with the staff, Sosman still controlled the administrative end of
the business and held a tight fist on wages. In 1913, Moses was in charge of all design,
construction, painting and installation at the main studio and annex studio in
Chicago, but not the wages.
If the strike ended poorly, Moses was the one who would have
to continue supervising a group of disgruntled workers, realizing the potential
problems if a significant number of the scenic artists were to leave “en
masse.” Moses would have been left holding the bag and scrambling for their replacements,
all the while understanding the deep-seeded sentiment of his fellow artists. He was really caught in the middle during
1913, and his fear of a group of journeymen artists leaving the studio would
happen seven years later. In 1920, six scenic artists left the Sosman &
Landis studio to form Service Studios. This would have caused more than a
ripple in the shop, especially is a large project was in the studio at the
time. The former Sosman & Landis employees even marketed black and white
photographs depicting Sosman & Landis designs as their own, carefully
compiled in sales books. This is really the beginning of the end for Sosman
& Landis. The shift in demand for
painted scenery, the rise of the modern designer, the pressure of the union,
and the desires of stock holders are just a few factors that are all at odds
during this time. Sure, business will
keep pouring in, but the challenges will continue to gain ground and suddenly
seem insurmountable after Sosman’s death in 1915.
In 1913,
Thomas G. Moses wrote, “We had a road show called ‘The Bulgarian
Romance.’ Rather a good opportunity for effects.”
The play was reported to be a version of the first act of
“The Balkan Princess.” Both “The Balkan Princess” and “The Bulgarian Romance”
starred the same leading lady, Julia Gifford, a vaudeville actress who later
married Bob Fitzsimmons. The “Edmonton Journal” reported, “The one-act musical
comedy was written especially for the ex-champion’s wife [Mrs. Bob
Fitzsimmons], and after rehearsing in Chicago the company started for Edmonton,
which is the first on the circuit” (Edmonton, Alberta, Canada, 19 May 1913,
page 2).
Fitzsimmons was formerly known to vaudeville and musical
comedy fame as Julia May Gifford. The show was described as “Light, airy and
witty, with well defined plot, with characters attired in the gay gowns of the
‘Near East’ and with graceful nymphs of dancing girls and well trained mail
chorus…Pleasing and wholesome with plenty of adventure and fun, and with music
of exquisite sweetness throughout, this operetta easily leads anything which
has appeared at this popular theatre since it opened to the Eugene [Oregon]
public” (The Eugene Guard, 14 July 1913, page 6).
The show ran approximately 50 minutes in lengths and was
billed with other vaudeville acts. In Salt Lake City, acts that accompanied “The
Bulgarian Romance,” included the Velde Trio and their trained dogs, Leonard and
Drake, Lopez and Lopez, Edith Haney and company, and Courtney and Jeanette”
(The Salt Lake Tribune, 21 Sept 1913, page 46).
“The Eugene Guard” described the play on 14 July 1913:
“The plot tells of a defiant prince, who reuses to yield to
the invitation of a match making king, who wants the prince to meet and love
his daughter. The princess appears incog. at a music hall, which the prince
frequents, and wins his heart. When he makes love to her and is really smitten,
she divulges her identity, and having in the meantime fallen in love with him
herself, she accepts both his apology and proposal of marriage and the result
that they ‘live happily ever after’” (page 6).
The show toured with a company of “fourteen splendid singing
and dancing girls” “The San Francisco Examiner, 21 July 1913, page 5). The
leading man was N. E. Dano, who “first won his laurels in Vienna and they
showed with even brighter luster under the critical glare of the footlights of
Paris, where critics bestowed unstinted praise” (The Eugene Guard, 14 July
1913, page 6).
Of scenery produced by Sosman & Landis, newspaper
articles reported, “The stage setting is elaborate, artistic and beautiful”
(The Eugene Guard, 14 July 1913, page 6). When the show toured Minnesota, the Bemidji “Pioneer”
reported, “There is one great scene, that of a Bulgarian café and during the action
of the beautiful musical skit there are six sweet musical numbers…there is a
world of beautiful lighting, especially a stone bridge, which is lighted from
the rear” (1 May 1913, page 3).
The mention
of lighting is a marked departure from many newspapers reviews prior to this
time. Lighting for any effect was seldom described in any detail. Once the
scenic artist was recognized alongside the leading performer. By 1913 stage
critiques take a new direction, emphasizing other technical aspects of the
show.