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Tales from a Scenic Artist and Scholar. Part 317 – The Cincinnati Venue for the Chemical Paintings in 1843

Part 317: The Cincinnati Venue for the Chemical Paintings in 1843

Here is a description of the venue where Duncanson and Coate’s chemical paintings premiered in 1843. A Cincinnati Enquirer article describes in great detail the transformation for each visual spectacle: the Milan Cathedral, Jerusalem and the Crucifixion, the Interior of the Holy Sepulchre and Belshazzar’s Feast in 1843. This was the collaborative effort between African-Americans artist Robert S. Duncanson and the photographer Coates to create a unique form of visual spectacle. There are four descriptions will be posted tomorrow after examining the venue where the production was first presented in Cincinnati.

While researching the Cincinnati venue, however, I was surprised when I realized that the first performance actually took place in the same room where the Cincinnati Masons met. The advertised Concert Hall above the Cincinnati Post Office is also considered one of the first Masonic meeting spaces in the city.

White corner building (on right) was the first Masonic Hall (also used as a concert hall) above the post office in Cincinnati on Third Street. The second Masonic building (tan facade on right) building is depicted past the bank (building with the columns). This would be the same location as the third Masonic building too. Image from http://www.mormoninterpreter.com/where-in-cincinnati-was-the-third-edition-of-the-book-of-mormon-printed/

The two-story brick building was erected on the corner of Third Street and Bank Alley (now the corner of Third Street and Walnut).One of the men responsible for the construction of the building was Postmaster Elam Langdon. The Post Office was situated on the first floor of the building and the Masons used the second floor hall for their lodge room. The road called Bank Alley was also known to local citizens as either Post Office Alley or Masonic Alley. Interestingly, that same second-floor space was also advertised as a Concert Hall for musical performances during 1843. Newspaper advertisements for concerts, such as that by Max Bohrer, noted the 1843 venue as “the Concert Hall, over the Post Office” (Cincinnati Enquirer, 13 June 1843, page 3).

This is the same concert hall above the post office where the chemical paints were displayed in 1843. The Cincinnati Enquirer, 13 June 1843, page 3

“Masonic Review” describes the history of early Masonry in Cincinnati and the cooperation of the various Masonic bodies to construct a Masonic Hall in the city. The first committee was composed of David Brown, William Burker and Postmaster Elam Langdon, “men of executive ability” (Masonic Review and the Masonic Journal, 1892, Vol. 76, page 15). “Subscriptions and dues were paid in bricks, lumber, labor &c., and in March, 1824, the first Masonic hall built in this city was completed at a cost of $2,437.72. The hall was a frame building, and was erected on the Town Lot, now the northeast corner of Third and Walnut…It was not until 1843 that an active interest was taken to build a second building, and in 1845 plans were submitted for a new building and approved.” The Hall was enlarged during 1834 as membership dramatically increased. This was the transitional step between the first and second buildings in Cincinnati. The second building was located just down the block on Third Street from the original corner building.

The third building was located on the same spot as the second building, just down the street from the original Masonic Hall. Image from: http://www.mormoninterpreter.com/where-in-cincinnati-was-the-third-edition-of-the-book-of-mormon-printed/

The following article was in the Cincinnati Enquirer on 14 Aug 1843 and describes the premiere of the Chemical Paintings (page 3):

“Daguerre’s Grand Chemical Secret Discovered! To be exhibited at Concert Hall, over the Post Office, every evening, until further notice.”

“Robert Winter, Jr. respectfully informs his friends and the citizens of Cincinnati generally, that stimulated by the assertion of Mons. Maffy, the proprietor of Daguerre’s celebrated chemical paintings, that it was impossible for any one in this country to imitate them, he has succeeded in producing the undermentioned pictures, which he confidently places before the public for them to decide relative to the merits of his productions, and whether he has not completely nullified Mons. Maffy’s assertion, by imitating or surpassing those painted by Daguerre himself, and which have so justly gained the admiration of the patrons of the Fine Arts wherever they have been exhibited.”

Here is the “Maffy” who Winter is referring to:

The first set “chemical paintings” credited to Daguerre and managed by Mons. Maffy.Article from Commercial Advertiser and Journal (Buffalo, NY) 30 June 1842, page 2.

“Each painting covers a surface of nearly two hundred square feet of canvas, and represents two distinct pictures, which form the peculiar style of execution, the varied nature and combination of the illuminating powers employed, produces changes the most astonishing, and at the same time the most natural, in the power of the artist, machinist or optician, to effect.

Appropriate music, selected and arranged expressly for the occasion, will accompany each change; and the proprietor confidently anticipates the exhibition will form one of the most attractive, moral and pleasing entertainments, ever offered to a Cincinnati audience.”

From the National Gazette (Philadelphia) 25 Jan. 1841, page 3. Note that the venue was in New York’s Masonic Hall.

To be continued…

Tales from a Scenic Artist and Scholar. Part 316 – A Duncanson and Coates’ – Chemical Paintings

Part 316: A Duncanson and Coates’ – Chemical Paintings

While researching the life and times of Robert S. Duncanson, I repeatedly stumbled across the mention of his collaboration with an African-American photographer named “Coates.” They created a form of visual spectacle called “chemical paintings.”

Contemporary authors repeatedly cite the same article from March 19, 1844, advertising “Chemical Paintings…four splendid views after the singular style of Daguerre.” I located other newspaper advertisements for the same show that predate this one, however, none credit either Duncanson or Coates. Chemical paintings originate in Cincinnati during 1843 which coincides with Duncanson’s participation in the project. Some scholars purport that Duncanson was the artistic mind behind the images while Coates took care of the technical side.

The Brooklyn Daily Eagle, 11 Feb 1844, page 2.

Did “chemical paintings” refer to the paint or the process? In 1993, Joseph D. Ketner suggested that the compositions were created on light-sensitive surfaces and were allowed to develop under the auditorium lights with dramatic contrasts of lights and darks (“The Emergence of the African-American Artist: Robert S. Duncanson, 1871-1872”). They would have to be a reversible effect if they used the same canvases repeatedly. I discovered that they did use canvas, Ketner described, “With each of the images, the darkened auditorium was gradually illuminated, causing lighting effects in the pictures that thrilled the crowds.” So, front light on the composition caused the change? Ketner was much more fascinated with the collaborative aspect than the process, suggesting that was one of the earliest collaborations between a painter and a photographer in the United States.

I was intrigued with the actual process and theatrical venues for the presentation more than their collaborative effort. What Ketner, and all of the other authors failed to cite, was that the production actually opened in 1843 before touring under the proprietor’s name – Robert Winter Jr. “Chemical Paintings” opened during August of 1843 at the Concert Hall in Cincinnati and then went on tour for three years. The last advertisement that I found was when the show was in Richmond, Virginia.

The Cincinnati Enquirer, 4 Sept. 1843, page 3

The four scenes exhibited at the Concert Hall were listed as “the Milan Cathedral,” “City of Jerusalem and Crucifixion,” “Interior of the Holy Church of the Sepulchre,” and “Belshazzar’s Feast.” Newspaper advertisements promised, “Each painting possesses the peculiar properties of portraying two distinct Pictures on the same canvas” (The Cincinnati Enquirer, 4 Sept. 1843, page 3). I thought of the electric scenic theatres during the 1890s – FIFTY years later. Any scene lit by colored lights could alter the composition from day to night, especially if portions were backlit. Could it be that simple? I though of the colored panels on the back of a drop from 1867 to create a brilliant sunset.

Colored panels sewn to the back of a drop to create a brilliant sunset effect. The 1867 drop is one of many in storage at the Royal Swedish Workshop space.

Detail of colored panels sewn and glued to back of drop.

While on tour, three of the paintings were damaged during a fire and we learn a little more about their composition; portions of it were linen (Public Ledger 1 Dec. 1843, page 2). Obviously, the surfaces that were “light-sensitive” had to reverse for another performance the next day. Only one set of paintings toured. There was also no apparent competition, so they had the market on the secret. These were also not one-time-use, or disposable paintings on photographic paper as suggested by Ketner. I highly doubted that with the amount of detail described for the “reveal” in each scene that anything could be painted with fresh paint, or applied to the surface before another show. Maybe the “chemical picture” referred to the new and brilliant chemical-colors used to paint the linen backing – dyes. So what about Louis-Jacques-Mandé Daguerre’s process, other than it was introduced worldwide in 1839? Ten years earlier this French artist and chemist came into contact with Nicéphore Niépce when obtaining a camera obscura for his work on theatrical scene painting from the optican Chevalier. Niépce had already managed to make a record of an image from a camera obscura using a process he invented – heliography.

I thought of something that Gene Meier mentioned a month ago – many of the early Chicago and Milwaukee scene painters were also chemists. Daguerreotypes use a silver-plated copper plate that is first buffed and polished. Then the plate is sensitized to light with iodine and bromine in specialized, light-proof boxes. A light-proof holder exposures the plate to capture the image. Then the plate is developed (“brought out”) over hot mercury, fixed by immersion in a solution of sodium thiosulfate and then washed with distilled water. The final step was to tone or gild the plate with gold chloride. I was stumped and could not see how this could be anything other than the utilization of Daguerre’s “light-proof boxes” on the back of a dyed section of linen. The images created by Daguerre seemed to be permanent and not reversible.

But I was thinking of how this spoke to the public’s insatiable appetite for visual spectacle and curious about the compositions and touring productions venues. One of their shows opened at the City Hotel in Brooklyn on December 20, 1843. A later article (Brooklyn Daily Eagle 11 Feb, 1844, page 2) described the Chemical Paintings for the Milan Cathedral scene: “The first appearance of the picture – which represents a day scene – does not impress the beholder with anything like an adequate idea of the subject; but presently the gorgeous hues of an Italian sunset fall upon it, and the turrets, spires and statuary of the Cathedral, as well as neighboring café and exchange, are bathed in a ruddy glare of light. To this twilight succeeds, when the picture assumes a beautifully calm and soft aspect. Finally, the shades of night fall upon it, and the moon darts her beams upon the tall pinnacles – which appear to stand out in bold relief, while the sky gradually becomes enlightened. At this point of the exhibition, the spectator involuntarily breaks forth in applause. But its grandeur and artistical skill are not fully apparent until the illumination takes place. Then you see persons clustering about the café and exchange, or going to the midnight mass, while the solemn notes of the bell and organ seem to invest the multitude with life and motion. It is really a very splendid thing” (15 February 1844, page 2). Ads promised “A glance at the “Cathedral of Milan,” when illuminated for the midnight mass, is alone worth the price of admission” (Brooklyn Daily Eagle, 20 February 1844, page 2).

To be continued…

Tales from a Scenic Artist and Scholar. Part 315 – Robert S. Duncanson (1821-1872), African-American Landscape Artist

Part 315: Robert S. Duncanson (1821-1872), African-American Landscape Artist

There was something that I kept wondering while researching Solomon E. White; why did he keep returning to Cincinnati? What kept drawing him back to the city? Was it family, a supportive network of friends, a diverse community, or a vibrant artistic scene? I started to look at the demographics. First of all, Cincinnati was considered a “southern town on free soil.” It was a hub for many freed and escaped slaves. Between 1840 and 1850 the population expanded from 43,000 to 115,000, and the city hosted one of the largest African-American communities in the country. Cincinnati also had a strong arts community and was often referred to as “the Athens of the West.” Its African-American population encountered better opportunities to advance than in many other parts of antebellum America.

As I explored hundreds of online images, I became extremely enamored with the work of one landscape artist – Robert Seldon Duncanson (1821- 1872).

He was not only inspired by Thomas Cole and the Hudson River School, but also had a Cincinnati connection. Born to an African-American mother and a Scottish-Canadian father in Fayette (Seneca County) of New York, he moved with his mother to Mt. Healthy, Ohio, in 1841. They lived there with the Reuben Graham family, who were descendants of Virginia slaves. This particular community near Cincinnati had a substantial “free-black” population.

Robert S. Duncanson. “Vesuvius and Pompeii,” 1870

By 1842, Duncanson was exhibiting his art in Cincinnati. Typical artistic commissions for Duncanson included landscapes, portraiture and murals. The following year, he partnered with an African-American photographer to create a new form of visual spectacle called “chemical paintings.” They were large-scale compositions that depicted a metamorphosis on stage, transitioning many scenes from morning until evening with a Daguerreotype form of magic.

Murals by Robert S. Duncanson for the Belmont hall and reception room, now the Taft Museum.

In Cincinnati, Nicholas Longworth (abolitionist and political leader) also hired Duncanson to paint a series of murals in the Belmont hall and reception room from 1848 to 1851. There were eight murals that measured approximately 9 feet by 7 feet in size.

Detail of one of Robert S. Duncanson’s murals in the Taft Museum.

Detail of a Robert S. Duncanson mural commissioned by Nicholas Longworth for Belmont, now the Taft Museum.

The Longworth Mansion is now known as now the Taft Museum. His murals are still there.By 1849, Duncanson maitained an art studio in Detroit. Two years later, a Cincinnati patron funded a sketching trip for him to travel to New Hampshire and Vermont. During this period, Duncanson traveled widely throughout the region. The Anti-Slavery league funded a trip for his artistic study in Edinburgh, Scotland during 1853. On this trip he continued onto England, France, Germany and Italy.

The Smithsonian American Art Museum posted his words online from a letter to Junius R. Sloan on 22 Jan. 1854: “”English landscapes were better than any in Europe, and the English are great in water color while the French are better historical painters than the English. I am disgusted with our Artists in Europe. They are mean Copiests. My trip to Europe has to some extent enabled me to judge of my own talent. Of all the landscapes I saw in Europe (and I saw thousands) I do not feel discouraged” (Platt R. Spencer Collection, Newberry Library, Chicago, Ill.). During the 1850s, Duncanson went on sketching tours with Whittredge and William Sonntag. He would later travel with Sonntag to England, France and Italy. When he returned, he worked in J. P. Ball’s studio, retouching portraits, coloring prints, and exhibiting his paintings.

Robert S. Duncanson. “Minneopa Falls, Minnesota,” 1860s.

In the 1860s, Duncanson ventured north from Minnesota to Vermont and into Canada to Montreal, before leaving for Scotland again. Prior to his departure, he saw Frederic Edwin Church’s “Heart of Andes” (1859) on its national tour at Pike’s Opera House in Cincinnati. It greatly inspired him and he began his painting “The Land of Lotus Eaters.”

Thomas Cole, “The Heart of the Andes,” 1859.

Robert S. Duncanson, “The Lotus Eaters.”

From 1864 to 1866, his name is not listed in either Detroit or Cincinnati directories. By 1867, he returned to the United States, making one last trip to Scotland from 1870-1872. Upon his return, he exhibited his Scottish paintings and successfully sold many for handsome prices.

Unfortunately that same year, Duncanson also suffered from a seizure while arranging an exhibition of his work in Detroit. After being hospitalized for three month at the Michigan State Retreat, he died. He was only 51 years old.
One can only imagine the mental and emotional stress it took to encounter the problems facing a biracial artist in pre- and post-Civil War America on a daily basis. People of color experienced a period of increased discrimination throughout the country as there was a backlash from many; those seeking to place blame on others for so many issues. This candle of hate has yet to be snuffed out.

As I continue to witness the rise of the white supremacy movement and a continued racial inequality almost 150 years later, I cannot help but feel sorrow. I also feel inadequate when I consider the lack of obstacles that I face on a daily basis compared to people of color. Would I have the strength to survive as an African American artist in the nineteenth century? I have never had to struggle any insurmountable obstacles and honestly don’t know.

Looking at Duncanson’s work, however, helps me understand why Solomon E. White continued to return to Cincinnati and work as both a fresco and scenic artist. It was a community that provided a place for Duncanson’s art. I am sure that the display of Duncanson’s artwork provided hope for other aspiring African-American artists during that time. These were the individuals who made progress possible. We simply can’t go back, or loose even an inch of ground. Those who paved the path for future generations deserve our continued action toward equality and nothing less.

To be continued…

Robert S. Duncanson. “Waterfall on Mont Morency,” 1864

Robert S. Duncanson. Untitled landscape, ca. 1870s.

There is a great timeline for Robert S. Duncanson posted at : http://grahamarader.blogspot.com/2012/09/arader-galleries-exhibits-significant.html

Tales from a Scenic Artist and Scholar. Part 314 – Solomon E. White, Scenic Artist for “On the Suwanee River”

Part 314: Solomon E. White , Scenic Artist for “On the Suwanee River”

By 1879, Solomon E. White was listed as living at 276 John Street in Cincinnati. He was thirty-eight years old and publicly recognized as a scenic artist for almost fifteen years. The following year, the White family returned to Grand Rapids, where they lived at 43 Curtiss Street. White would work as a scenic artist and fresco artist in the city for the next five years.

Little is known of White’s career after 1885. Unfortunately, I could not find his name in print again until a decade later. By 1895, White was again listed in the Cincinnati Business Directory section as a fresco decorator. However, he did not stop working as a scenic artist. That same year, White created the settings for “On the Suwanee River.”

The Notable Kentucky African Americans Database recorded that during a trip to Florida, White made several sketches of the region. He used his artwork as source material for the scene design and painting of “On the Suwanee River.” The touring production visited Newark, Ohio, in 1899. Julius Cahn’s Theatrical Guide also included this touring production in several issues.

Photograph by Will Dickey–Cypress trees on the bank of the Suwannee River near Live Oak, Florida. (www.willdickey.com)

The Dixon Evening Telegraph reported that this “popular play of the Sunny South” held “an indefinable charm” (Dixon, Illinois, 8 Dec. 1902, page 5). It brought “its clientele back to the theatre to see a re-enactment of this pretty story” year after year. The article continued, “Stair & Nicolai have given the play a thorough scenic environment for this, its sixth season, and the company is practically the same as it has been in the past. Stella Mayhew will again be seen as the old colored mammy, Aunt Lindy. Miss Mayhew’s portrayal of the role is a characterization of rare excellence. As an entirety ‘On the Suwanee River” is a classic in comparison with the average attraction playing the popular priced theaters.”

The managers for the production were Stair & Nicolai. This was George H. Nicolai and E. D. Stair. They also ran the Majestic Theatre in New York, with Stair as the Lessee and Manager and Nicolai as the business manager. The theatrical managing firms of Stair & Nicolai and Stair & Havlin were both located at 1493 Broadway in New York City. Nicolai was a silent partner in Stair and J. H. Havlin in their enterprise. They partnered in many ventures as Nicolai was Stair’s brother-in-law.

Stair & Havlin managed a large chain of theaters primarily situated in smaller cities and towns from the East Coast to Kansas City, offering melodrama and farce. Many of the attractions were proprietary, but the company also featured Broadway hits that toured the major theatrical centers. Stair & Nicolai also managed the productions of “The Night Before Christmas,” “Don Caesar de Bazan,” and “Romeo and Juliet” during 1901.

White would have first encountered Stair in Grand Rapids, Michigan. Stair was the lessee for the Grand Opera House. Stair and C. J. Whitney were lessees for the Power’s Theatre in Grand Rapids too. These were just two of many theatres where Stair was listed as a lessee, often with another partner. Other venues were in Detroit, Cleveland, Chicago, and Louisville. Stair also managed the Kery & Mason touring company

After White’s painting of the scenery for “On the Suwanee River,” little is reported about White until his passing in 1912. He died a widower in Cincinnati. Solomon E. White was 71 years old.

To be continued…

For more information about Solomon E. White, here is the link to Notable Kentucky African Americans Database – (http://nkaa.uky.edu/nkaa/items/show/2507)

Tales from a Scenic Artist and Scholar. Part 313 – Solomon E. White (1841-1912), Nineteenth-century African-American Scenic Artist

Last month, a gentleman commented on one of my posts about Thomas G. Moses (see past installment # 170). He inquired about whether Moses could have met the African–American scenic artist Solomon E. White during 1875. They were both painting in Grand Rapids during the same period; Moses was just starting out in his career, but White was well established by then.

View of Grand Rapids Michigan in 1874. The Powers Opera House is on the right, second building back. Solomon E. White worked in Grand Rapids from 1874-1876 and 1880-1885.

View of Power Opera House in 1883. Solomon E. White painted in Grand Rapids from 1874-1876 and 1880-1885.

White painted in Grand Rapids from 1874 to 1876 and again from 1880 to 1885. Moses did some decorating work in Grand Rapids for an unnamed Chicago-based scenic artist who was contracted at the Powers Opera House. Obviously, Moses was not working for White, as the artist he worked for was referred to as “Chicago-based” and White was from Cincinnati. It is highly likely, however, that Moses knew of White. Like many theatre professionals at the time, the world of scenic art was small. Unless you only created only one backdrop during the course of your career, people were familiar with each other’s work and place of employment. Nineteenth-century scenic artists, like Moses, kept tabs on their competition; you never knew whom you might be working with next. Information and connections were key and artists needed to have their own networks.

White was born in Kentucky to Jackson White, Sr. (b. 1815) and Mahaly. Little is known of his mother beyond a name. White’s father worked as a feather renovator. This was a person who cleaned feathers for reuse in pillows and bedding. The year that White was born, his family moved to Lexington, Kentucky. One of six children to the couple, all were born in Kentucky, but raised in Cincinnati and recorded as “free.” There is no confirmation on whether White or his parents were ever slaves.

In 1867, the Fort Wayne Daily Gazette credits Solomon E. White as painting the new scenery for Colerick’s Hall reporting, “Messrs. Hampton & Holt seem to understand what a good theatre is, and appear determined to make one complete in every respect. They are having the new scenery painted by Solomon E. White, for many years scenic artist at the National and Wood’s theatres, Cincinnati, whom they have engaged for the season” (23 September 1867, page 4). He was well known by 1867 at the age of twenty-six and traveling all over the country. This is a really big deal as after the Civil War there was often a backlash against people of color in both the north and the south.

By July 9, 1873, at the age of thirty-two, White married Mary Jane Martin (b. 1855). A year later, White traveled to Grand Rapids to paint the Powers Opera House and continued his scenic art career in the city, also working as a fresco artist. In 1876, he painted four large eight foot by twelve-foot panels that flanked the outer arches of the Centennial Arch at the foot of Monroe in Campau Place.

View of 1876 Centennial Arch in Grand Rapids, Michigan. The murals for the arch were created by Solomon E. White.

Photograph of 1876 Centennial Arch posted online at “Powers Behind Grand Rapids” – https://powersbehindgr.wordpress.com/powers-theatre/architects-artisans/.

There was a description of the Centennial Arch paintings posted at “Powers Behind Grand Rapids” – https://powersbehindgr.wordpress.com/powers-theatre/architects-artisans/.

Here is the description: “On the left (east) side of this (north) face of the arch, in the panel over the side arch, is “The Declaration of American Independence the Baptismal Vow of a Republic born of Eternal Right, and for whom Heroes were Sponsors.” Under this is an oil painting, 8 by 12 feet in size, of Washington crossing the Delaware; a beautiful and artistic scene. Beneath is “Their Glorious Record is the Imperishable Heritage of the Forever.” In the west panel of this face of the arch, at the top, is “On Every Sea and Every Land Known to Men the Sacred Honor of the Sires has been upheld by the Sons.” Below this is a painting, 8 by 12 feet in size, representing Columbia standing in the foreground, on a high ledge, pointing over a vast and shadowy expanse, allegorically presenting the greatness and achievements of our country. In the background of the scene is the main building of the Exposition. Nearer is the National Capitol and other public structures. Still nearer is the farmer reaping grain in a broad field with a reaper. Still nearer is a river with a steamboat, a suspension railroad bridge, a second railway track and a train of cars, and a telegraph line. All can understand what they represent. Beneath this beautiful oil painting is: “Of all Nations, and Peoples, and Tongues, she Gathers the Freemen who Bless her Centennial Birthday.”

1876 Centennial Arch with Paintings by Solomon E. Powers. This image was posted online at “Powers Behind Grand Rapids” – https://powersbehindgr.wordpress.com/powers-theatre/architects-artisans/.

Solomon E. White’s 8′-0″ x 12′-0″ murals on the 1876 Centennial Arch in Grand Rapids, Michigan. Detail of an image posted online at “Powers Behind Grand Rapids” – https://powersbehindgr.wordpress.com/powers-theatre/architects-artisans/.

… In the left or western panel is an oil painting representing Washington at Valley Forge, uniform in size with those above mentioned. Beneath this is “Their Heroic Devotion Inflamed the World and made Liberty the Watchword of Mankind.” In the other panel is an allegorical painting in watercolors, explained by the motto underneath “America supported by Justice and Strength receives Tribute, Affection and Confidence from her Children and Drives Discord and Fraud from her Domain.”

For more information on White, see the Notable Kentucky African Americans Database – (http://nkaa.uky.edu/nkaa/items/show/2507) His story will resume tomorrow.

To be continued…

Tales from a Scenic Artist and Scholar. Part 312 – African-American Scenic Artists

The tragedy at the New Lyceum Theatre when the paint bridge collapsed was published all across the country. The Times Herald reported about the “accident of four scenic artists and their assistants” (Port Huron, Michigan, 5 December 1894, page 3). The details of the article described, “Seven men, four white and three colored assistants, were hurled through a crashing scaffold and fell forty feet to the floor of the new Lyceum theatre.” All were part of the paint crew hired by Thomas G. Moses for this specific project.

Article describing the paint bridge collapse that injured Thomas G. Moses’ paint crew at the New Lyceum Theatre during December 1894. From “Rock Island Arous and Daily Union” (5 Dec 1894, page 1).

As I re-read “three colored assistants,” my mind flashed back to a blog comment from last month. A gentleman brought to my attention the scenic art career of an African-American during the 1870s. I was surprised, but not shocked, as studios didn’t always advertise hiring people of color or women. However, I was thrilled to have another name for my database and tucked away this little bit of information for further research. However, his story allowed me to read “three colored assistants” in a much different light and ponder if they were simply helpers or artists in their own right. I looked at the 1894 newspaper article with a different perspective than I would have a year ago, knowing that an African-American had been publicly acknowledged as a scenic artist two decades earlier.

Were the three assistants for the New Lyceum Theatre local hires? If so, some could argue that they were ready labor to help on site. The answer is “no.” One of the three gentlemen was from Chicago – Horace Posey. Posey was likely on Moses’ staff at the Sosman & Landis annex studio. He suffered both a broken arm and sprained ankle when the bridge collapsed. The other two gentlemen were from Memphis – A. E. Wells and John Wiley. Wells (also spelled as Well or Weil in some newspaper articles) broke his leg during the accident and Wiley suffered a sprained ankle. Wiley was the luckiest one of the entire paint crew.

The use of “colored assistant” to describe these three men suggests that they might be paint boys for the project, also termed “pot boys.” Pot boys filled the artists’ pots of color on their palettes. They also made one-fifths of a scenic artists wages. Regardless of the word, pot boys had a very important job in preparing both the pigment and binder. They may have also been artists in their own right who were painting sections for the journeymen. The one thing to keep in mind is that there is no way Moses would have had anyone on that paint bridge who was not qualified or hard working. He expected perfection. All of Moses’ writing suggests that he demanded speed and quality; not just from himself, but from all those on his staff as well. It is highly unlikely that these “assistants” were inexperienced or randomly selected. They, like all of his staff would be paid a weekly salary.

Finding information about African-American scenic artists in print during the nineteenth century is just about as difficult as locating women scenic artists from that same time; these three gentlemen have been left out of theater history. I thought back to graduate school and recalled studying African-American stereotypes and characters, but not African-American theatre practitioners beyond playwrights, directors and performers.

While painstakingly looking for any crumb of evidence that suggested these three gentlemen had a scenic art career in the public eye, I stumbled across another name – Jas. W. Bell.

Bell was purported to be “the only colored scenic artist in the country” in 1892. Well, that was wrong. The St. Louis Dispatch included an article titled, “Negro Demonstration” (10 May, page 2). The article reported “The ‘day of prayer’ set apart by the colored people of the United States, May 31. will be followed by a race demonstration by the Square League. This demonstration will be given at the Exposition Building at some date between June 1 and 15. It will embrace a discourse on ‘The Great Iniquity,’ by Geo. Vashon; with tableaux illustrative of the cause by Jas. W. Bell, the only colored scenic artist in the country.” That was like Grace Wisaahr, a decade later being the “only woman scenic artist in the country.” Nice tag line, but incorrect.

Article about Jas. W. Bell, reported as the “first colored scenic artist in the country” in 1892. From “St. Louis Dispatch” (May 10 1892 page 2).

I believe that there were many more African-American scenic artists. One just doesn’t pop up out of nowhere with the skills to paint scenery and survive on the profession. The problem is that we just haven’t included them in theatre history – yet. Tomorrow, we’ll look at an African-American scenic artist who predated Bell by more than two decades – Solomon E. White.

To be continued…

Tales from a Scenic Artist and Scholar: Part 311: A “Jonah” of a Job

Thomas G. Moses encountered a series of misfortunes while working at the New Lyceum Theatre in Memphis, Tennessee. Moses wrote, “The job proved to be a ‘Jonah.’ This was a long-established expression among sailors, specifying a particular individual whose presence on board brought bad luck or endangered the ship. Later the meaning was extended to being someone or something that carried a jinx that brought bad luck to an enterprise. Possibly a common phrase in the Moses Household, since his father Lucius Moses, was once a sea captain.

The greatest loss at the New Lyceum Theatre, however, was the death of Moses’ stage carpenter, Joseph Wikoff. Moses wrote, “the bridge broke and poor Wikoff was so badly hurt that he died a few weeks after the accident. Some of the other boys were hurt, but all recovered.”

Newspapers reported that the paint bridge broke at the New Lyceum theatre on December 5, 1894, due to “defective timber in the frame work.” This was after the Dec. 3 dedication of the Theatre by Otis Skinner. The project wasn’t completed for the opening and Moses’ entire staff was still a work two days after the official opening. One article titled “Fell Forty Feet” described the “accident of four scenic artists and their assistants” (Times Herald, Port Huron, Michigan, 5 1894, page 3). The injured listed as scenic artists Al Morris, John Vorhees, Charles Wallace; assistants A. E. Well, John Wiley, Horace Posey; and stage carpenter Joseph Wikuft. Some of the articles further misspelled as Wikuft’s name as “Wipupt.” Whether Wikuft or Wipupt, the stage carpenter was who Moses referred to as “Wikoff” in his typed manuscript.

Wikoff was mentioned earlier by Moses in 1890. That year, Sosman & Landis sent Wikoff with Ed Loitz ahead of Moses to Ogden, Utah (see installement #232). Wikoff and Loitz would go ahead to prepare the theatre so that Moses’ could start painting immediately on his arrival. Moses enjoyed the elevated position of not having to do any of the ready work for any venue by that time. Sosman & Landis had the onsite work down to a science and I have to wonder of some installations were compleed on site because their studio was booked with work.

Beyond that singular reference to Wickoff little is known of this stage carpenter who so tragically died in Memphis I think that part of it is due to the various misspellings of his last name. I also doubt that Moses used the correct spelling, as he often spelled names, places and events phonetically. Like me, Moses had a great weakness when it came to spelling, and would often create his own version of a particular word. He could spell the same word three different ways over the course of a single year.
Then there are the standard typos in print as I think of Julius Cahn’s Theatrical Guide as Sosman & Landis was spelled various ways by the theatre managers submitting information for the publication. Sosman & Landis became Susman & Landes, Sussman & Landis, Sosman & Landus, and Sosman & Lambas, and. It makes research a tad complicated.

To be continued…

Here are a few images of paint frames at the end of the twentieth century to understand this substantial collapse.

Photograph of Grace Wishaar on paint frame ca. 1902.

It’s a Flu-cation

Taking the day off to recover.

Tales from a Scenic Artist and Scholar. Part 310: Thomas G. Moses and Frank Cox

In 1894, Thomas G. Moses recorded getting the contract for the New Lyceum Theatre in Memphis, Tennessee. Located at the corner of Third and Union Streets, the old Lyceum Theatre had burned to the ground during November 1893. The theater was on the lower floor of an athletic society building and the total loss was $360,000. Only three years old at the time of the fire, construction immediately began to build another theater on the same site.

*The original Lyceum Theatre in Memphis, Tennessee, 1890. The building burned to the ground in 1893.*

Opened by H.L. Brinkley, the New Lyceum Theatre cost $235,000 and had a seating capacity of 2,010. It included an oblong proscenium that was illuminated with exposed light bulbs, similar to the electric scenic theater on top of the Masonic Temple Roof Garden that same year. This was a feature was called a luxauleator, or “a curtain of light” invented by Steel MacKaye for the Spectatorium in Chicago (see past installment #265). The New Lyceum was credited as being the first theatre in Memphis to have electric lighting.

The auditorium included open metalwork railings for each of the three balconies and boxes. Ironically, it was this decorative aspect that would ultimately postpone the opening as there was a delay in the arrival of the iron work (Montgomery Advisor 7 Oct 1894, page 9). The final dedication occurred on Monday, December 3, 1894, with Otis Skinner opening the venue. His productions were “His Grace de Grammont” and “The King’s Jester.”

*The New Lyceum theatre designed by Frank Cox with scenery by Thomas G. Moses, 1894.*

Moses wrote, “The firm wanted this badly, but the architect insisted on my work.” “The firm” was Sosman & Landis and the architect was fellow scenic artist Frank Cox. Tignal Franklin “Frank” Cox (1854–1940) was also the theatrical architect who was designing several other opera houses that same year.

*Tignal Franklin “Frank” Cox (1854–1940), scenic artist, decorator and theatre architect.*

His projects in Texas alone included remodeling the opera house in Sherman, a new ground-floor theater in Galveston, the Stanger Theater in Waco, the Peterson Theater in Paris, and the opera house in Gainesville (The Times-Picayune, 8 April 1894, page 27).

Newspaper articles would note Cox as the “well-known scenic artist and architect of theatres.” Cox worked as a scenic artist, architect, decorator, builder, and developer throughout the course of his career. During the time that he the theater in Memphis, he was still running Cox Bros. and working with his brothers and Clark (1861-1936) and Eugene (1869-1943). Their ages at the time were 40 (Frank), 33 (Clark) and 25 (Clark). The three men had five other siblings with a father who had started work as a Boston painter in 1871. Eugene Cox had a son named after him, Eugene Jr. (1889-1967), who was also a scenic artist, so it gets a bit confusing.

*Eugene Cox (1869-1943), scenic artist and decorator, was part of the New Orlean scenic studio, Cox. Bros.*

*Clark Cox (1861-1936), scenic artist and decorator who worked for Cox Bros. scenic studio at the New Orleans Opera House.*

Here is a little background to place Frank Cox in context of nineteenth-century scenic art. Harry Miner’s American Drama Directory (1882-3) credited Frank Cox with the scenery for the Opera House in Batavia, New York and Smith’s Opera House in Tarrytown, New York. By 1890, Cox was working as a scenic artist, decorator and architect in the New Orleans area. He continued to work as a scenic artist throughout the decade, being credited with scenery for Temple Theatre in Alton, Illinois (1899) and Klein’s Opera House in Seguin, Texas (1903-1904). Like Moses, Cox also worked in oil and exhibited his fine art. In 1894, he participated in an art exhibition with his brother Clark. Both were members of the Artists’ Association in New Orleans (The Times-Picayune, 13 Dec. 1894, page 3). This was one of many art shows where the Cox brothers exhibited their work.

This brings us to another interesting aspect of the Cox family – the family feud. Frank, Eugene, and Clark operated a scenic and fresco business known as Cox Bros. in New Orleans. However, it was referred to as “Frank Cox’s Studio at New Orleans,” him being the eldest and most experienced. They had quite a large staff by 1891 that included the scenic artist Emile Nippert and stage machinist James A. Kee (Fort Worth Daily Gazette 11 August 1891, page 2). The Cox Bros. studio was located in the Grand Opera House of New Orleans. Frank withdrew from the partnership in 1896, but the partnership continued to operate under the same name of Cox Bros., despite Frank’s public declamation that the firm was dissolved. Eugene and Clark published a rebuttal, wanting to make it “thoroughly understood” that they would continue to operate the scenic and fresco business under the name Cox Bros. By the way, there appears to be no immediate familial ties to the Jesse Cox Scenic Studio of Estherville.

There is something interesting to ponder when thinking about the Cox family. Frank understood painted illusion for both the stage and auditorium. He would have been the perfect theater architect as he understood the aesthetic and mechanical demands of the venue. A variety of historical sources explain that architects would often hand over the stage design to a scenic studio. The studio would identify the layout and materials for the space, thus securing work from the architectural firm. I wonder if after guiding architects, Cox decided to work directly with the client and avoid working with a middle man -the architectural firm. Cox’s position as the architect would also secure work for his company Cox Bros., in the form of both scenic and decorative art. His position could have provided an endless stream of projects, as apparent in 1894. Maybe he was expecting too much of his younger brothers and swamping them with work, too much for them to handle without his help in the studio. Maybe that was why Cox reached out and specified other artists for his multiple projects – like Moses.

The big picture is that there was history and friendship between Cox and Moses, plus they were only two years apart in age. He was a friend of Moses and greatly respected his art. When you look at the front curtain for the Lyceum Theater, it is understandable why Cox wanted Moses in charge of the scenery for the New Lyceum . Moses and his crew painted a beautiful exterior landscape with his signature “babbling brook.” Decades later in 1931, Cox would again request that Moses paint some Fiesta floats in California, although Moses would decline.

*Interior if the New Lyceum Theatre (Memphis, TN) with drop curtain painted by Thomas G. Moses in 1894.*

*Detail of Thomas G. Moses’ drop curtain for the New Lyceum Theatre in Memphis, Tennessee, 1894.*

Regardless of the reason, Cox’s selection of Moses over Sosman & Landis in 1894 had to have been quite a blow to the scenic studio as the project would not be supervised by their company as planned. That was their ultimate goal after opening the annex studio -controlling all of Moses’ subcontracted work and keeping him on a leash. By doing this they maintained a position of control and ultimately determined which contracts they would pass down to Moses, yet benefited by his name. The New Lyceum Theatre was one in a series of projects where architects and clients specified that the work solely go to Moses. This was the beginning of his second departure from the studio of Sosman & Landis.

To be continued…

Tales from a Scenic Artist and Scholar. Part 309: Stage English

Stage English

Every once in a while you stumble across an unexpected gem while doing research. In many cases for me, it has absolutely nothing to do with what I was looking for on my quest. It just magically appears on the same page, or somewhere nearby. That is why I always like looking for books in the library; three rows over there might be a book that I would have never otherwise encountered.

Today’s discovery looks at something that is evasive, even for theatre technicians – stage terminology. It changes from country to country and decade to decade. Unless there is an article that clearly explains the vernacular for the stage at a certain point in time, we can only hazard a guess or piece together bits of information from memoirs, trade journals and newspaper articles. The current words that we are familiar would seem foreign over a century ago to our predecessors. I discovered an article from 1895 that defines “meanings of some behind-the-scenes technical terms.”

It was in a January 6, 1895, article for the Detroit Free Press titled “Stage English” (page 15). I am posting the article in its entirety, as it is extremely valuable for deciphering our past and should be available for my colleagues. The attached photographs are of a model that I recently built for the Matthews Opera House in Spearfish Matthews when I was asked to depict what their original 1906 Twin City Scenic Co. collections would have looked like at the time of delivery.

“Stage English”

“The patrons of the theatre hear a great deal about “flies,” “borders,” “tormentors, braces, wings, traps and many other things belonging to the arcana of the stag, but comparatively few have anything like a definite idea of their meaning. Some industrious recorder of facts has taken pains to make a cursory collection of these for the general information.

The pieces of canvas running across the top of the stage, representing sky, ceiling, and so on, are “borders,” and the “flies” are the galleries on either side of the stage, made continuous by “the paint-bridge” at the back.

Wood, interior and sky borders created for the Matthews Opera House model by Wendy Waszut-Barrett in October 2017.

The back scene is generally in two pieces called “flats,” but when the scene descends from above or ascends from beneath the stage an is one piece, upon a roller or otherwise, it is called a “drop.”

Roll drops for the Matthews Opera House model created in October 2017 by Wendy Waszut-Barrett.

The narrow side scenes are “wings,” and they run, top to bottom, in “grooves,” which are divided into “cuts.”

Wings for the Matthews Opera House model created by Wendy Waszut-Barrett in October 2017.

The inclined platforms are “runs” and used in mountain scenes, battle scenes and so on. The small painted frames used to hide from sight the audience the “runs” are known as “masking pieces.” A “box scene” is a room with solid walls and ceiling, and you cannot “box in” a forest scene. The pieces of canvas overhead are “sky borders,” and the space over these, sometimes stretching up to a great height, is known as the “rigging loft,” and the intricate webs of ropes up there are all worked from “the flies.”

“The “paint bridge” is the continuation and connecting part of the two galleries constituting the “flies,” which are stationary galleries and immovable. But the “paint bridge” is made to rise and lower as the pleasure of the scene painters and others, and immediately behind it is the “paint frame,” also to be raised and lowered so as to bring within easy reach all parts of the scenery the artists may be painting.

Paint bridge illustration from an 1890 article in the Philadelphia Press.

The holes on the stage are called “traps,” and underneath them are the trap cellars.” The “star” or “vampire” trap is a hole in the stage through which disappear r shoot upwards some of the principles in the pantomime and other spectacular pieces.

Stage trap at the Matthews Opera House in Spearfish, South Dakota.

The noise resembling the breaking of timber and the falling of houses is made by means of a gigantic rattle, moved by a handle. Against the wall of the stage, generally at the exit to the street, is the “call box,” upon which, or rather within which, are posted the “calls,” or notices of rehearsals and other important events to occur. A “sea-cloth” is a piece of canvas, which is painted to represent water, and is shaken to produce an imitation of waves. The instructions from the author to the carpenter concerning the scenes in the play are called “scene plots.” The particular part of the stage where the stage carpenter stows his scenes is called “the dock.” This term is elastic, however, and applies to any place in or out of the theater where scenery is stowed.”

Garden scene for the Matthews Opera House model as originally designed by the Twin City Scenic Co. in 1906. Created by Wendy Waszut-Barrett in October 2017.

Scenic elements for the original garden scene for the Matthews Opera House model designed by the Twin City Scenic Co. in 1906.

An angle view of the street scene for the Matthews Opera House model created by Wendy Waszut-Barrett in October 2017.

Scenic elements for the 1906 street scene designed by the Twin City Scenic Co. for the Matthews Opera House in Spearfish, South Dakota.

To be continued…