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Copyright © 2020 by Wendy Waszut-Barrett

In 1921,  Thomas G. Moses traveled to Tacoma, Washington, to secure a project. While in the area, he met with other clients about potential work. Moses wrote, “Ran over to Seattle and was pleased to see friend Davis and was surprised to see George Purvis.” This was the well-known architect and builder George B. Purvis, credited with theaters in the Pacific Northwest, Alaska and British Columbia, Canada. When I first read Moses’ 1921 diary entry about Purvis, I intended to do a quick search about his theaters and then a small biographical outline. Not in a million years, did I expect to connect a few missing links for his descendants, nor uncover a story that not everyone wanted to know.

Many writings about Purvis are quick to point out his theaters in Cordova, Fairbanks, and Anchorage, Alaska, as well as theaters in Bellingham, Tacoma, Seattle, Olympia, Everett, Walla Walla, Washington. Better known venues included the Imperial Theatre and Avenue Theatre in Vancouver, BC  (1912), Mack Theatre in Port Angeles, WA (1922); Columbia Theatre in Longview, WA  (1924); Montlake Theatre (1924) and Arabian Theatre (1925) in Seattle, WA; Liberty Theatre in Olympia, WA (1924); and the Vitaphone Theatre in Wenatchee, WA (1930). Purvis is always cited as a prolific American architect.

When Moses encountered Purvis in Seattle, the architect was working on several projects, including the city’s  45^th Street Theatre, now known as the Guild 45^th Theatre. Purvis was also working on a project in Spokane that year. On January 12, 1921, the “Spokane Chronicle” announced, “Complete Plans for New Theater” (page 1). The article continued, “Architect’s Design All Ready – Purvis Will Have Charge of Work. Architect’s plans have been completed for the proposed $500,000 theater and office building to be erected at Howard and First by A. J. Lindsay and C. S. Crews, manager of the Hippodrome, according to an announcement made today by Mr. Lindsay. George Purvis, known throughout the west as a theater builder, will have charge of the construction project and will select all fittings and equipment. The plans provide a seating capacity of 2000. The building will be five stories high and 26 offices will be provided on each of the floors set aside for office space, which will be offered specially to doctors and dentists. The entire building will be constructed of materials from local markets if that is possible, said Mr. Lindsay today. ‘Only the nest brick, marble and other materials will be used, and the estimated cost will run approximately in the neighborhood of $500,000. The cost of the theater equipment will add probably another $100,000.’”

Purvis always lived life in the fast lane and his personal history is pretty fascinating.

George Blair Purvis was born on Nov. 5, 1866, in Leeds, England. Later in life, George B. Purvis would state that he was born in New York in 1869, listing this information in both the 1920 and 1930 census reports. Misrepresenting his birthplace and citizenship was common for the architect, causing an endless series of problems throughout his life. Even his death certificate lists New York as his official birthplace.  

However, on Nov. 4, 1889, Purvis declared his intent to become a United States citizen in Portland, Multhoman County, Oregon State. He emigrated to the United States as a young boy of four yrs. old and was raised in Illinois. Naturalization records show that Purvis renounced all allegiance and fidelity to the Queen of Great Britain and Ireland during the process, verifying his English lineage. He would have been twenty-years old at the time when he first filed papers for naturalization. Interestingly, his petition did not go to court until May 6, 1908. His petition provides a definitive birthdate, Nov. 5, 1866, Leeds England. It notes that Purvis emigrated from West Hartlepool, England to the United States on the ship Averill. He arrived in Norfolk, Virginia on 19^th of August 1873.

Other genealogical records purport that George Blair Purvis was the son of George and Hannah Purvis, again, still born on November 5, 1866, in Leeds, England. I believe these records to be accurate. His father was from Scotland and his mother from England. Purvis was one of eight children born to the couple that included Joseph, Hannah, Isabelle, Alice, Caroline, Robert and Agnes. The 1880 US Federal Census listed the Purvis family as living in Chicago, Illinois. It was likely in Chicago that George B. Purvis first entered the theatre industry. By the late 1880s, however, George had moved west and settled in Portland, Oregon, the birthplace of his future wife Ella Victoria Isaacson (1876-1951) in 1888. Isaacson was an actress. The two supposedly met while she was performing and soon ran away together. They may have been working on the same touring production. In 1891, Purvis was listed in the Portland City Directory as the calcium operator at the Marquam Grand, residing at 12 Market. Traveling with touring shows, the couple traveled the country, eventually settling in the east by the turn of the twentieth century.  Their daughter, Edna Elizabeth, was born on September 18, 1901, in Philadelphia, PA.

By 1903,the small family was living in New York City. Purvis was listed in the City Directory as working for a Theatrical Construction Co, located as 112 E. 125^th. By 1904, the George B. Purvis Theatrical Company was organized. They were not in New York for long, soon crossing the country to life in California. His constant moving will make sense in a few paragraphs.

Although Purvis began the naturalization process in 1889 while living in Portland, Oregon, he did not complete it until two decades later. Purvis was living in Arcadia when he completed the process for naturalization. In 1908, Purvis listed that he was an “inn keeper” in Arcadia, California. He worked as the proprietor of ‘White City,’ situated at Arcadia Racetrack. In the end, Purvis was denied his application for naturalization on November 5, 1908 (Los Angeles Times, 6 Nov. 1908, page 14).

Events surrounding the California judge’s denial of Purvis’ citizenship application answered a lot of questions for me. In 1908 Purvis testified before a judge as to his qualifications for becoming a US Citizen. Upon leaving the courtroom he was arrested for perjury. The problem was that Purvis listed Illinois as his birthplace when registering to vote during a city election on a few months prior. This meant that he registered to vote before securing his naturalization papers. Purvis explained, “Well, Mr. Baldwin the clerk, asked me where I was born, and I told him ‘on the other side,’ but that I was raised in Illinois. He said, ‘Put down Illinois then,’ and it was put down that way” (Los Angles Express, 16 Sept 1908, page 1). It is very probable that Purvis had been listing himself as a United States Citizen for quite some time. My rationale was that he continued to do it even after being denied citizenship. Purvis continued to list his birthplace as in the United States for both the 1920 and 1930 census. The only difference was that in later years he listed New York instead of Illinois.

The charge of perjury against Purvis was dismissed by Justice Stephens on recommendation of the district attorney. The “Los Angeles Herald,” reported, “To prosecute the case further, it is said, witnesses would have to be brought to Los Angeles from England, Purvis’ birthplace, and the dismissal was requested in order to save expense to the country” (10 October 1908, page 12). However, there was other information brought to light about Purvis during the next month. The new information confirmed what I suspected while tracing various Purvis family trees in the US and Canada. Historical records hinted at polygamy and marital desertion. As I traced Purvis’ genealogy there were two different family lines with George B. Purvis in the center. I even mentioned this aspect to my husband, explaining, “I think this guy had one family in the US and one family in Canada, hence why he kept crossing the border so much.” By 1908 Purvis had been married to Ella for fourteen years and their daughter was seven yrs. old. Life must have been miserable for both wife and daughter, as they were likely cast out of a few social circles.

After the dismissal of Purvis’ perjury case, Federal authorities and Chief Detective Brown of the District Attorney’s staff began digging into Purvis’ past. On Nov. 6, 1908 the “Los Angeles Times” announced, “Past Revealed” (page 14). The article reported, “In reply to questions by United States Attorney Carlos G. White, Purvis said that he married Ella V. Purvis in Washington, D. C., in 1894, and that his child Edna, was born in Philadelphia. He was asked whether he testified at a Coroner’s inquest in July 1905, that he was married to Mrs. Hanna Purvis, who was burned to death in a gasoline explosion at Willowbrook. He refused to answer on the ground that he might incriminate himself. He also refused to state whether he was ever married to Elizabeth Eastman, in British Columbia, in 1885, or whether he deserted her in Chicago in 1900, abandoning his three children at that time. He denied that he is a deserter from the English army or navy, or that he ever served time in Portland, Or., for forgery, but after admitted that he had been imprisoned there for three months on another charge. The department of criminal investigation of the District Attorney’s office has received a letter from Mrs. G. B. Purvis of Chicago, who says Purvis deserted her in 1900, and eloped with an actress.”

With all the modern research tools at my fingertips, it is easy to see how Purvis’ case spiraled out of control, and I have to wonder if someone in particular had it in for him.  I agree that he was married to both Elizabeth Eastman and Ella Isaacson at the same time, fathering children to both women. However, his father’s name was also George; a George who was married to a Hannah. There were more than one George and Hannah Purvis marriage recorded in North America. Keep in mind that there were also many, many men named George Purvis who were living in the United States and Canada between 1870-1910.

It wasn’t long after the 1908 scandal that George, Ella and Edna left the country. Purvis began working as an architect in Canada, settling in Vancouver, B.C., and establishing a partnership there. This is purportedly where he constructed some of his earliest theater buildings. Between 1910 and 1911, Purvis partnered with Richard Thomas Perry (1884-1935), establishing Perry & Purvis.

The Purvis family did not return to the United States until 1913.  By that time, his daughter was sixteen years old and they moved to Seattle, Washington. There are two events to consider while contemplating the  Purvis family’s return to the United States. The first is the Balkan War, fought from October 8, 1912 to May 30, 1913. This event caused many to believe that a European war would soon occur. In the United State, Woodrow Wilson also became president at the beginning of 1913. He would later issue a statement of neutrality as Europe plunged into war. Purvis’ return to America, despite his previous scandal, may have seemed the safest option when examining the big picture.

By 1914, Purvis was listed as an architect, working at 607 Northern B & T building, and residing at 1909 Naomi Place in Seattle, Washington. In 1915, Purvis was still working in Seattle, but now running Purvis & Redmond. At this time the Purvis family moved to 325 ½ 8^th Ave. He continued in this capacity until 1917, listing his position as an architect and working at 617 Northern B & T building.

About the same time that the United States declared war on Germany, Purvis relocated his practice to Anchorage, Alaska. In 1917 he designed a theatre complex with apartments in Anchorage. His work in Alaska included theaters in Cordova, Fairbanks and Anchorage.  After the War ended, Purvis returned to the United States with his wife and daughter. By 1920, the Purvis family was again living in Seattle.  Moses records meeting Purvis in Seattle during 1917. As the family had just returned to the country, this is what likely surprised Moses in seeing his old friend.

Purvis continued to work on a variety of theatre endeavors, including Alaska. By 1922, Purvis established the Alaska Motion Picture Association, owning a theatre chain throughout the state.

By 1925, Purvis was listed as the general manager of the Columbia Theatre Co. Inc, living at 210 Columbia Apartments. He remained in Seattle, living at 12039 Greenwood Avenue, until his passing on March 20, 1934. Both Moses and Purvis died in the same year, only a few months apart.

To be continued…

Copyright © 2020 by Wendy Waszut-Barrett

In 1921 Thomas G. Moses wrote, “Got an electric train for Woodland and spent a day with Mr. Stuart Webster, manager of the Strand Theatre Company.  Went back to San Francisco and returned to Woodland where I failed to close, so I hustled on to Willows, putting in a day with Jacobs.  Had to get out of Willows at 4:00 A.M. – some job.”

At sixty-five years old, Moses’ life had not slowed down one bit. He had previously worked with Webster on other Strand Theatres across the country, so the failure to close this particular contract must have been disappointing, to say the least. Moses then returned to work on an existing contract in Willows, California. The Willows project was one partnered with Flagg Studios. Throughout 1921-1922 Moses continually traveled to California and worked in Flagg’s shops. Charles M. Jacobs was the vice-president of the Edwin H. Flagg Studio in 1921.

Jacobs forms an interestingly link between Illinois scenic artists and those who moved to California during the early twentieth century. He is also one of many scenic artists who also worked as both a photographer, as well as working in the early film industry. A fascinating individual in his own right.

Charles M. Jacobs was born on July 3, 1865, in Macomb, Illinois; Macomb is the county seat of McDonough County. Years later, a census report would list that the highest level of education Charles received in Macomb was 8^th grade; an impressive achievement at that time.

Interestingly, Joseph Sosman moved to Macomb after the Civil War, first working as a scenic artist in the 1870s there. To put this in perspective, Sosman worked as a painter in Macomb by the late 1860s. One of his earliest projects was painting scenery for the opera house with T. B. Harrison, a Chicago scenic artist. Sosman remained in town after that, working as a scenic artist, a sign painter and decorator. He also traveled as an itinerant artist, painting scenery for a number of other opera houses in the region. Even after establishing Sosman & Landis, Sosman still listed Macomb as his home in the 1880 U. S. Federal Census, living with his parents. By 1882, “Joe” Sosman’s success as a founder of a major scenic studio was heralded in the “Macomb Daily Journal.” The article reported, “Nearly all the county readers of the Journal know ‘Joe’ Sosman, and that he is in Chicago in the scenery-painting business, but few, if any, are aware of the prominence of the firm of which he is the senior partner.” Macomb was a small town, with a population that grew from 2,700 in 1870 to 3,100 by 1880. When the Macomb newspaper article described Sosman’s success, Charles Jacobs was only seventeen. However, most scenic artists entered the profession between sixteen and seventeen years old. Although Charles worked as a scenic artist, his profession was primarily listed in city directories as that of a photographer.

Charles was the son of Mark F. Jacobs (1837-1910) and Mary M. Tucker (1833-1909). Mark worked as a carpenter while Mary worked at a local Millinery store. The family was wealthy enough to employ domestic servants from 1870 onward.  In 1880, Ida Laughlin, who cooked for the family, was listed in such a role.

Charles grew up in Macomb with a younger brother, Walter (b. October 30, 1867). Sadly, Walter passed away on April 3, 1888 at the age of twenty years old, only a few months after his older brother married.

On December 31, 1888, Charles M. Jacobs applied for a license to marry Fannie Estelle Ayars in Davis County, Kansas. On January 1, 1889, the couple was married in Junction City, Kansas, by William D. Christian. By January 5, 1889, the “Junction City Weekly” included an announcement about “The Ayars-Jacobs Wedding.” The marriage did not last long, with both Charles and Fannie remarrying. In 1905, Fannie married vaudeville actor William “Billy” Rabbie. The two performed in a vaudeville act, Tragically, Fannie committed suicide in 1920 while her husband was away performing.

Charles also remarried shortly after his divorce from Fannie. On April 4, 1894, he married Jenia Shriner (b. July 1866) and the two celebrated the birth of two daughters, Myla (b. Feb. 1895), Pearl (b. May 1897). Charles and Jenia’s marriage certificate lists McDonough Country, Illinois, suggesting that the two met in Macomb.

Here is where it becomes interesting: Edwin H. Flagg also married his first wife, Harriet Myrtle Shriner (1878-1976) in McDonough Country on Jan 11, 1899. Flagg soon moved west, eventually settling in California by 1903. In California, he established two scenic studios, one in San Francisco and the other in Los Angles. It was in California that Flagg hired Jacobs, with Jacobs becoming vice-president of Flagg Studios by 1921. It is too coincidental for there not to be some relation by marriage.

Charles’ wife Jenia Shriner was the daughter of Levi H. Shriner (b. 1838-1915) and Harriet E. Collins Shriner (1843-1917). Born in Indiana, Levi moved to Illinois and worked as farmer in McDonough County, likely just outside of Macomb. The couple were married on Dec. 27, 1864 and celebrated the birth of three daughters: Junia A. (b. 1866), Mary P. (b. 1871), Myrtle (b. 1879). Jenia’s parents were buried in Macomb’s Oakwood Cemetery.

In 1900, Charles, Jenia and their two daughters were living at 322 South Campbell in Macomb, where Jacobs worked as a photographer. He was still working as a photographer in 1910, but now the small family was living at 326 West Adams Street; a move up in residences. Although Jacobs listed “photography” as his occupation in 1910, his work was now for the “studio” industry; a departure from previous records.

Sometime between 1910 and 1914 the Jacobs family move to California. By 1915, Charles M. Jacobs, 1915, living at 255 S. Normandale in Los Angeles. A real estate transaction noted in the “Los Angeles Times” reported that Charles M. Jacobs purchased an eight-bedroom house on the west side of Normandie avenue between Third and Fourth streets for $5,000 (17 Dec. 1911, page 94). After his move to California, Jacobs worked as a scenic artist, listing himself that way in the city directory. The 1920 Census listed that Jacobs worked as a scenic artist for a scenic company that year. The 1921 Los Angeles City Directory listed “Chas. M. Jacobs, v-pres Edwin H. Flagg Scenic Co. h. 255 S. Normandie av.” He was still at his previous residence, but now actively managing Flagg Studios. In 1921, both Charles and his wife have separate listings in the Los Angeles Directory, yet each is still living at 255 S. Normandie avenue.

Between 1923 and 1924 both of Flagg’s studios burn down, leaving Jacobs in a lurch concerning future employment as Flagg attempted to rebuild his business.  

After the fire the family moved to 15119 Dickens Street.  By 1926, Jacobs is solely listed as “artist” in the San Fernando City Directory, with no specific affiliation to any studio. He was also listed in the 1937 Van Nuys Directory; both listings with the same address. Jacobs continued to live on Dickens Street for the remainder of his life. However, 1930 US Federal Census listed Jacobs as a carpenter, working for the “theatrical studio” industry. This temporary shift was likely due to the economic downturn after the market crash in 1929. By 1940 the US Census listed Jacobs as a retired artist, still at 15119 Dickens. Jacobs was listed as “retired artist.”

Charles M. Jacobs died on July 20, 1945, in Los Angeles, California. His passing received little fanfare, with his obituary simply announcing:

“JACOBS – At home, July 20. Charles M. Jacobs, 80, of 15119 Dickens St., Sherman Oaks. Graveside services will be directed by Praisewater Mortuary , Monday at 2 p.m. at Inglewood Cemetery. Leaves his widow, Mrs. Junia; and two daughters, Mrs. Myla E. Friend, of Sherman Oaks; and Mrs. Gwen Van Winkle, of Hollywood.”

To be continued…

Copyright © 2020 by Wendy Waszut-Barrett

In 1921 Thomas G. Moses, “I went after the Chicago Day pageant job and landed it at $8,334.00 for which I made the models and saw the work started before I left for San Francisco.”  To put this project in perspective, $8,334 in 1921 is the monetary equivalent of $121,233.16 today. This was a significant project for a studio that was struggling at a time when America was still reeling from an economic recession.

“The Chicago Day Pageant” was part of variety bill, performed as part of a motion picture that premiere 1922. It accompanied the Robert Hughes’ film “Remembrance” at the Balaban & Katz Chicago Theatre. Starring Cullen Landis and Patsy Miller as the young lovers, “Remembrance” was advertised in the Motion Picture Directory of the “Chicago Tribune.” Advertisements announced, “It’s a picture you’ll remember forever, and forever is a long time. Come one! Come all! My, how you’ll love REMEMBRANCE and with it one of the mightiest specialty bills ever shown in a Balaban & Katz Theatre” (“Chicago Tribune,” 9 October 1922, page 22).  The Balaban & Katz specialty bill included “Chicago Day Pageant” with 30 people and “massive sets,”  as well as “The Magical Garden,” described as full of illusion, spectacle and beauty. The third act on the specialty bill was a Mermaid Comedy entitled “Look Out Below.”

Other than a handful of advertisements in Chicago newspapers, nothing remains of the production. Even the work of Hughes in the 1920s is difficult to track down. I tracked down only two mentions of Hughes’ work at this time. The first was a play by Hughes’ that became a 1921 film; “Two Women” by Hughes was transformed into ‘Ghosts of Yesterday,” starring Norma Talmadge and Eugene O’Brien (“Bakersfield Morning Echo,” 20 October 1921, page 5). Hughes was also credited with the Goldwyn Studios’ film “Come On Over” in 1922 (“Oakland Tribune,” 26 March 1922, page 30).

To be continued…

Copyright © 2020 by Wendy Rae Waszut-Barrett

Scenery by Toomey & Volland scenic studio of St. Louis, Missouri, to the Scottish Rite Theatre in Richmond, Virginia. Last month I visited the Richmond Scottish Rite and documented the historic scenery collection, dating from 1900-1920. For more scenes from the Richmond Scottish Rite, just use the keyword search and enter “Richmond Scottish Rite.”

Copyright © 2020 by Wendy Waszut-Barrett

In 1921, Thomas G. Moses traveled to San Francisco to paint scenery for the San Francisco Shrine Circus. Sosman & Landis were renting the shop at Edwin H. Flagg’s studio. He wrote, “After four hard weeks of hustling, we got the big show ready.  In the meantime, I took a run to Los Angeles for two days, to look after some Masonic work.  We got the big Shrine show opened October 17^th and it was certainly a big hit.  Thousands could not get near the building…I think I have laid the foundation for a good job, but you can never tell.” 

At this time, Moses was reunited in work with his former business partner, William F. Hamilton. The two had partnered in 1900 to establish Moses & Hamilton. Located in New York, their firm was quite successful in painting a variety of projects, including Broadway shows and many attractions for Fredrick Thompson at Coney Island. Moses & Hamilton closed its doors in 1904 when Moses returned to Chicago, becoming vice-president of Sosman & Landis.

Born in Franklin, Pennsylvania, Hamilton moved to New Jersey in the 1890s. Like many scenic artists, he worked all over the country on a variety of projects. He spent most of his early years on the east coast before moving to San Francisco. Hamilton saw the potential for an ever-increasing number of opportunities along the coast. The Ancient Arabic Order of the Nobles of the Mystic Shrine became one of Hamilton’s biggest clients, and he became the director of the Oakland Shrine Circus in 1920.  The Shrine needed an experienced personality, such as Hamilton, to secure the various attractions and appropriate staging requirements for the event. The Shrine circuses were monumental fundraisers that generating a substantial amount of capital.

By 1921, Hamilton was featured in a “Variety” article (Vol. IXIV, No. 11. Nov. 4, 1921). The article, “Hamilton’s Special Events,” credited him with creating “an abundance for special scenery” for the Shrine that year.

The following year, Moses returned to work in California again. In 1922 he wrote, “Our work progressed very nicely, in addition to our regular contract, we had some extras and some work for Hamilton to be used at the Shrine Circus at Oakland.” Hamilton was again the director for the Oakland event, as well as delivering the opening address for the Sacramento Shrine Circus that year. (Sacramento Star, 2 Nov. 1922, page 8). The “Sacramento Star” reported “W. F. Hamilton of San Francisco planned and managed the circus.” Over 40,000 people attended the Sacramento Circus in 1922, with all proceeds “turned over to the Shrine treasury for charity and other work.”

Of the Oakland Shrine Circus in 1922, “The Oakland Tribune” reported, “Making good on their promise to offer a program entirely different features in connection with their Mardi Gras and circus, the Oakland Shriners have arranged a real old southern Mardi Gras festival for this evening. Stress is laid upon the fact that the festival will be identical with that which is held every year in New Orleans and other southern cities. W. F. Hamilton, who has produced Mardi Gras spectacles for the southern cities will have personal direction of the event” (28 April 1922, page 15).  The article continued,  “Hamilton Praised. W. F. Hamilton, the director, is given credit for his achievement by the members of the Shrine.” Hamilton was again hired as director for the 1923 circus too. The “Oakland Tribune” reported, “W. F. Hamilton, the director of last year’s event has been placed in charge of the circus and he declares that from every standpoint the show will be staged on a more lavish and pretentious plane “6 April 1923, page 22). In 1923, proceeds from the circus financed a trip of the Oakland Shriners to Washington. This included securing a special baggage car for the trip, “filled with literature to distribute en route and wherever the occasion offers lectures will be given in Oakland and Alameda county” (Oakland Tribune, 20 March 1923, page 4).

Moses continued to visit with Hamilton whenever he was working near San Francisco. In 1925 he wrote, “I ran into San Francisco for a day or so, met my old pal, Hamilton, had a nice visit, then went to San Jose.” 

I am sure that throughout the 1920s, Hamilton placed pressure on his old friend to move west, urging him to leave Sosman & Landis for better opportunities. Near the end of 1921, Moses wrote, “Letters from the Pacific Coast, which offered me all kinds of inducement to come west are all very good, but when I consider my age, I hesitate to make the plunge.”  His hesitation would turn into regret as the years passed. If Moses were to jump ship; upend his life in Chicago and move west, it had to happen in 1921. Unfortunately for Moses, he stayed on the sinking ship until the bitter end.

To be continued…

Copyright © 2020 by Wendy Waszut-Barrett

In 1921 Thomas G. Moses traveled from Chicago to San Francisco for a large project. He wrote, “After four hard weeks of hustling, we got the big show ready… the big Shrine show opened October 17^th and it was certainly a big hit.  Thousands could not get near the building.”

Moses was referring to the San Francisco Shrine Circus and Arabian Fete that ran from October 17 to October 25, 1921. The program was changed nightly and included exhibitions by wire and trapeze artists, contortionists, juggler, acrobats, Japanese jugglers, hoop roller, Spanish dancers, lion tamers, and Hawaiian singers and dancers (“San Francisco Chronicle,” 2 Oct 1921, page 6). Popularity contests were also held, with the crowning of a Queen and selection of the most beautiful baby boy and girl. The “San Francisco Chronicle” announced, “There is entertainment to suit all tastes. The first night’s vaudeville show was one of the many thrills not the least of which was the tight rope performer’s offering on a rope stretched over the heads of the persons on the floor from balcony to balcony” (San Francisco Chronicle, 18 Oct 1921 page 13).

The prelude to the Shrine circus included a large parade, winding from Islam Temple on Geary Street to the Auditorium, by way of Geary, Kearny and March Street. One of the parade floats was a “Sphinx” mounted on a truck that announced the dates of the circus, October 17 to 25. Fed fezzes, red coats, and white pantaloons were work by members of the Islam band and patrol, leading the way for the officers of Islam Temple. The parade also featured “1000 visiting Shriners, the Athens Temple divan with its band and two patrols from Oakland. The “San Francisco Chronicle” also described,  “The “caged novices,” six men in grotesque costumes with their shrill shouts and weird antics followed” Charlie Chaplin, a group of circus performers and a menagerie exhibit of mountain cats and lions brought up the rear of the procession” (18 Oct 1921, page 13).

An article headline in the “San Francisco Examiner” announced, “20,000 Attend Shrine Circus in Auditorium,” reporting, “The Shrine Circus opened at the Exposition Auditorium here last night with an attendance of more than 20,000 persons. The circus, which is for the 1922 session fund will continue through next Tuesday. The decorative scheme of the interior of the auditorium represents an Arabian village” (Oct. 18, 1921, page 14).  

The “San Francisco Chronicle” described the interior on opening night: “The Auditorium has been transformed into an Arabian village, populated and conducted by hustling Shriners and their friends. The decorations are gorgeous. Balloons of many colors are strung around the balcony. The many booths housing the concessions, where one pays good money gladly for the cause, have facings of Arabian architecture. In the main floor is a kiosk for musicians. Atop it is a glowing ball of facets which reflect a variety of brilliant colors when played upon by spotlights” (18 Oct 1921 page 13).

The “San Francisco Examiner,” described: “Color, color everywhere and so many San Franciscans inside and outside the Civic Auditorium that you couldn’t get within a hundred feet of the building. That was the situation at 9 o’clock last night when the big street parade of the Shrine Circus reached the Auditorium. They say the Shriners sold 100,000 tickets for the big show – apparently the arm of ticket buyers all turned out for the big night. Inside – if you were lucky enough to get inside – was a glittering midway which circled the building. At one end, on the stage, the circus took place.  The Shriners in their colorful costumes of red and green and blue and gold and every other hue in and out of the rainbow, paraded around the midway. Then the show started, Mexican acrobats, tumblers, high wire artists and clowns in rapid succession…More than $20,000 was spent in transforming the Civic Auditorium into an Oriental City. Islam Temple of the Mystic Shrine had done its work well.” The purpose of the Shrine Circus was to raise $250,000 for the entertainment of the Imperial Council of the Shrine which met in San Francisco the following June” (Oct. 18, 1921, page 3).

To be continued…

Copyright © 2020 by Wendy Rae Waszut-Barrett

Scenery by Toomey & Volland scenic studio of St. Louis, Missouri, to the Scottish Rite Theatre in Richmond, Virginia. Last month I visited the Richmond Scottish Rite and documented the historic scenery collection, dating from 1900-1920.

This composition is a perfect example of why it was so important for artists to study anatomy. The skulls look a little out of this world 😉

Copyright © 2020 by Wendy Waszut-Barrett

H. C. Sprague was the second stage manager for the Tabor Opera House. He lived in Leadville, Colorado for approximately five years, from 1879 to 1884. Only Sprague’s home address changed over the course of this time, although he was absent from the City Directory in 1879 and 1882. In 1880, Sprague was first listed in the directory, working as a bill poster and lodging at 312 W. 6^th.

Although there were many men named Harry C. Sprague living in the United States during the late-nineteenth century, I think that I tracked down the right one.

Harold “Harry” C. Sprague was born on Feb. 2, 1861 in Ohio, the son of Charles Sprague and Jane Sommers, both born in 1835. Charles worked as a carpenter his entire life, a  trade that was passed down to his sons. Charles and Jane married in 1855 and celebrated the birth of seven children: John E. (1858-1947), Harry C. (b. 1861), Emma J. (b. 1866), Florence (b. 1867), and Cornelia (b. 1869), Ida (1874-1913) and Belle C. (b.?). Their first child, John, was born in Toronto, with the remained children born in Ohio. The 1860 US Federal Census listed Charles, Jane and their infant son living in Youngstown, Ohio, with Charles still working as a carpenter. By 1870, the US Federal Census recorded that the Sprague Family was living in Youngstown, Ohio, due west of Akron, Ohio.

The “Leadville Daily Herald” included many articles that mentioned Harry Sprague during his time in town, providing a little insight into his life and career there. Ironically, it was Colorado newspapers that provided the greatest insight into this elusive personality.

In 1881, Harry C. Sprague was listed in the city directory as a “stageman” at the Tabor Opera House, likely a misprint for “stage man,” a directory abbreviation for stage manager. That year, Allen T. Wells Jr. was listed as the general manager of the Opera House. Sprague would have been in charge of the backstage area.

On August 23, 1882, a newspaper article initially brought Sprague into the public during the Tabor Opera House’s stage renovation. The article reported, “Of the stage there will be a change for the better in regard to scenery, scene shifting and drop curtains. Those ridiculous hitches in scene shifting that have heretofore occurred on one or two occasions will no longer take place. An experienced stage man has been secured in the person of Mr. H. C. Sprague, who has had extensive experience in the east, and was in Leadville before, in the early days. All these improvements will take until about the first of September to execute. As soon as the house is in perfect order, say about the fourth of September, J. Rial’s Uncle Tom’s Cabin troupe will commence an engagement of three nights” (“Leadville Daily Herald,” August 23, 1882).

Sprague was an instant success, and by Sept. 6, 1882, the “Leadville Daily Herald” reported, “Mention must also be made of the clock-work precision in the shifting of scenes, and upon inquiry as to the cause of the surprise, it was learned that Mr. Harry C. Sprague had returned” (Leadville Daily Herald, Sept 6, 1882).

Even 1883, Sprague was still credited with his stage settings used by the Goodwin Company during their visit that fall.  On November 1, 1883 “Stage Manager Sprague, of the Tabor opera house, deserves favorable mention for his stage settings during the Goodwin season. All three of his pieces performed were carefully and handsomely mounted” (Leadville Daily Herald, Nov. 1, 1883, page 1). The scenery was credited specifically to Sprague, suggesting that he built and painted the pieces. It is important to remember that stage managers were also expected to paint scenes in smaller venues with minimal staff. If a scenic artist was not available to paint a scene for an upcoming production, that responsibility may fall to a backstage manager, such a Sprague. Sprague would continue a painting career after his stay in Leadville.

By 1884, Sprague was living at 202 W. 6^th and in 1885 at 121 E. 7^th. He seemed to have stay in an area home to other theatre professionals at this time. In 1884, Sprague is again listed as stage manager of the Tabor Opera House, but now residing at 202 W. 6^th.

Sprague was also mentioned again in regard to the 1884 appearance of the Frank Mayo company at the Tabor Opera House. Their play was “Davy Crockett” and newspapers noted, “The cast is excellent, and with the stage settings even upon the comparatively limited quarters of our opera house, it makes one of the strongest combinations and one of the most attractive plays ever seen in Leadville…Great credit is due Mr. Harry Sprague, the stage manager for the admirable manner in which the stage was set last evening, which compared favorably with any theatre in the east” (Leadville Daily Herald, Feb. 1, 1884).

One of the more interesting events with a specific mention of Sprague was Leadville’s Jewish Festival in 1884. Three hundred people participated in the event that year. An article published in the “Leadville Daily Herald” announced, “The Purim Bal Masque a Brilliant Social Success Last Evening.” The article continued to describe the event with special mention of Sprague:  “The most brilliant social event of the season and one that has kept society on the qui vive for a month past culminated last evening. City Hall was a blaze of light and in this connection a thousand thanks should be tendered to Harry C. Sprague the Stage manager of the opera house for the excellence of the calcium lights which cast a most pleasant light on the parti colored costumes” (Leadville Daily Herald, 12 March 1884).

The next month, the Tabor Opera House featured Mr. and Mrs. Knight in “Baron Rudolph.” On April 5, 1884, the “Leadville Daily Herald” reported, “The stage setting was admirable and reflects much credit to Mr. Harry C. Sprague, whose work was made easier from the fact that Messrs. Monheimer Bros. kindly donated the rugs, draperies, etc. which were so much admired.”(Leadville Daily Herald, April 5, 1884). As with many shows, stage managers were responsible for acquiring the items identified on each show’s prop lists, send to each venue ahead of every touring production.

By summer 1884, Sprague was again credited for his contribution to an upcoming production of “’Patience.’ On June 22, the “Leadville Daily Herald” reported, “One of the attractive events of the coming seek will be the opera of ‘Patience,’ to be given at the Tabor Opera House tomorrow evening. Everything is now is readiness for the most perfect amateur entertainment ever given in Leadville. The costumes have been imported expressly for the occasion, and are marvels of the costumers art. The solo parts and choruses have been drilling for weeks, while Mr. Cragg, and his efficient stage manager Mr. Sprague, have exhausted their ingenuity and good taste in the matter of stage setting. The indications point to a crowded house and a grand success is assured, both from a musical and social standpoint.”

Unrelated to any theatre events, Sprague was listed with a group of individuals helped feed a stray dog in 1884. That summer Sprague contributed 25 cents to help feed “Bum,” a local mutt described as “the sad-eyed decrepit looking canine, who seems to belong to nobody in particular, but lavishes his licks impartially upon all the members of the gambling fraternity in town” (Leadville Daily Herald, June 3, 1884).

The last mention that I have located of Sprague’s time in Leadville was connected with a children’s operetta at the Tabor Opera House. On October 30, 1884 the “Leadville Daily Herald” reported, “Mr. Moody, assisted by Mr. Sprague, the regular stage manager of the house, had charge of the stage. Under their able supervision everything worked as smoothly as clockwork.” After this, Sprague fades from print in Leadville.

By 1885, Willie Moon was listed as the asst. stage manager at the Opera House, living at 121 E. 7^th, but Sprague was no longer in the city directory in 1885. It is likely that Moon was already working as an assistant in 1884. Sprague leaves Colorado at this point, and here is what I have tracked down about his return to the east.

Sprague left Leadville for Chicago, where he was married the following year. On Jan. 27, 1886 he married Sarah L. Lacy. At this time, Sprague transitioned to primarily working as a scenic artist, being listed as a “painter” in directories for the remainder of his life. This becomes more complex as there were multiple individuals with the last name of Sprague working in the theatre industry at this time, both as painters and carpenters. By 1889, the Harry and Sarah Sprague moved to Indianapolis, Indian, where Harry continued to work as a painter. Harry C. Sprague was listed as a painter in the 1889 Indianapolis directory, living at 175 Riverside avenue. Sadly, in 1891, his wife Sarah passed away and was buried in Crown Hill cemetery. Nothing is known of the circumstances surrounding her death, but considering that she was young and the couple newly married, it is possible that she died in childbirth. At some point after the death of his wife, Harry returned to Illinois.

It remains unclear as to why Harry returned to Chicago, whether it was to mourn the loss of his wife or care for his aging parents. Regardless, Harry was living with his parents in 1900, He was 40 yrs. old. and still working as a painter. He was the only adult child of the couple living home; they were now listed as retired, each 65 yrs. old.  By 1910, Harry’s mother had passed away. Both Harry and his father moved in with his sister Ida and her family, the Kirbys. The 1910 US Federal Census provides a little insight into this extended family living in Chicago. Ida’s husband Phillip was a manager at a metal works factory. Harry’s occupation was listed as a salesman, but with no specific industry. Harry was also listed as widower. Harry’s sister Ida passed away a few years later. In 1913, her obituary stated, “KIRBY – Ida E. Kirby, nee Sprague, 7736 S. May St., beloved wife of Phillip A Kirby, mother of Charles J. and Jennie C., daughter of Charles A. Sprague, sister of H. C. Sprague, John E., Florence G., and Belle C. Youngstown [O.], Elora [Ont.] and New Jersey papers copy. Funeral Wednesday, Dec. 31. Burial at Greenwood cemetery” (Chicago Tribune, 30 Dec. 1913, page 15).

I have yet to discover when Harry’s father passed, or he left Chicago. Sprague appears to have disappeared from print for the next two decades, but eventually ended up in painting in the Philadelphia area. His older brother also lived in the area. Harry C. Sprague passed away on March 9, 1933 at the age of 72 yrs. His obituary, reported,  “Harry C. Sprague, aged 73, of Philadelphia, a retired painter, died in that city yesterday. He is survived by two sisters, Mrs. Florence Hults of Vineland and Mrs. Milton McGargle of Madison and a brother, John Sprague, of Philadelphia. Mrs. Charles Stickert of Vineland is a niece of the deceased. Funeral service will be held Saturday afternoon at 2 o’clock with burial in Siloam Cemetery” (“The Daily Journal” Vineland, NJ, 10 March 1933, page 3).

At the time of his passing, Harry’s  burial expenses were paid by Mrs. Harry A. Brown of 1250 South 45^th Street and Mr. Wilcox of 1427 Catharine Street, both in Philadelphia. It seemed odd to me that it was not a family member who took responsibility for the body.

I have just started to look at possibilities of who Mrs. Henry A. Brown or Mr. Wilcox might have been. Interestingly, Harry A. brown was a Chicago artist, working in the city the same year that Sprague returned and met his future wife – 1885.

To be continued…

Copyright © 2020 by Wendy Waszut-Barrett

In 1884, “Harry C. Miner’s Dramatic Directory” listed that the seating capacity for the Tabor Opera House in Leadville, Colorado, was 800. The size of stage measured 34-ft. deep by 60-ft. wide, and the proscenium opening was 17-ft. high by 23-ft wide. The original scenery employed a system of grooves on stage to hold up the painted scenes. Grooves are a mechanical contrivance in which the scenes slide back and forth. Sets of grooves were positioned into divisions, such as one, two, three and four. Where the stage was extra deep, there were sometimes five and six divisions of grooves, equally spaced. There were four divisions of grooves at the Tabor Opera House, allowing four pairs of wings and shutters to slide on and off stage, forming specific stage settings. The height from the stage to the top of the grooves was sixteen feet, with an additional 3 feet above that to the rigging loft.

This method of staging was eventually replaced with more modern arrangements in 1902, Wings and Shutters were replaced with fly scenery and box interiors, supported with braces and connected by lash lines. This more modern method was purchased and installed the Leadville Elks purchased the opera house in 1901, renaming the venue the Elks Opera House.

During the nineteenth century there were three stage managers who worked at the Tabor Opera House, each constructing wing and shutter scenery for the venue, and each shifting early scenes in grooves. The three stage managers were William S. Barber (1879-1880), Harry C. Sprague (1881-1884) and William J. Moon (1885-1901). These three men were also went by others titles, such as stage carpenter and stage mechanic. Regardless of their title, each functioned as a ruler of the realm behind the footlights.

Barber was credited with the original construction and installation of the first stock scenery collection at the Tabor Opera House in 1879. He worked with James E. Lamphere, the first scenic artist to paint the original drop curtain and ten stage settings.  W. S. Barber was listed as a stage carpenter for the Tabor Opera House in the 1880 Leadville city directory, living at 114 W. 6^th. That was the only year that he was listed in a Leadville directory.

Barber and Lamphere’s contributions to the stagehouse were less than adequate and short lived. The stage was completely renovated within two years, and Harry C. Sprague was credited with the new stage arrangements. Sprague was already living in Leadville at the time. He was listed as a bill poster in the 1880 city directory and a “stageman” in the 1881 city directory. In 1880 Sprague was residing at 312 W. 6^th, just down the street from Barber. The official bill poster for the Tabor Opera House that year was R. B. Brennet; there was enough work to support a few bill posters in town.

In 1881 Sprague was listed in the Leadville City Directory as “stageman” at the Tabor Opera House; Barber was no longer associated with any Leadville theater. It remains unclear if Barber and Sprague ever met while walking to their respective homes on 6^th street or while working backstage at the opera house. As a bill poster in 1880, Sprague likely worked for a variety of businesses in town, so their paths may have crossed at some point but it remains unknown. Regardless, sprague likely began working backstage at the opera house in 1880, especially if he was associated with the Tabor Opera House in the 1881 directory. Sprague was still working at the opera house when James H. Cragg was brought on board as a general manager.

On May 1, 1882, J. H. Cragg became the manager at the Tabor Opera House. The following day, the “Leadville Daily Herald” announced, “J. H. Cragg has been appointed manager of the Tabor opera house, vice F. T. Osgood resigned. He began his regime last night” (2 May 1882). In 1880, F. Thomas Osgood was listed in the city directory as a teller at the Leadville Bank, as well as briefly managing the new Opera House. The news of Osgood’s replacement quickly spread throughout the region, and by May 6, 1882, the “Gunnison Daily News-Democrat” reported, “Lieutenant-Governor Tabor has appointed Charles J. Rowell his general business agent at the Tabor Opera House, J. H. Cragg becoming the new manager” (Vol. 1, No. 280). To clarify, Cragg was manager, but had nothing to do with the backstage area.

Change was in the air by summer 1882 at Both Tabor theaters. In August the building, auditorium, and stage in Leadville were undergoing the massive renovation. As the work neared completion, an article appeared in the “Leadville Daily Herald” announcing,  “Of the stage there will be a change for the better in regard to scenery, scene shifting and drop curtains. Those ridiculous hitches in scene shifting that have heretofore occurred on one or two occasions will no longer take place. An experienced stage man has been secured in the person of Mr. H. C. Sprague” (August 23, 1882). By September 23, 1882, “Leadville Daily Herald” announced, “All the seats in the Tabor Opera House are being changed in position and when the work is finished they will be much more advantageously arranged than in the past, and there will also be some standing room.” This, combined, with the raising of the roof for better acoustics was a substantial project, especially for a relatively new opera house.

Changes were also occurring in the staffing at the Tabor Grand Opera House in Denver. During the summer of 1882, the house scenic artist left for greener pastures in Utah.  Setting his sights on Salt Lake City, Henry C. Tryon headed west and remained in Salt Lake City next few years, painting an entirely new stock of scenery for the Salt Lake Theatre, as well as working on other projects in the area. During the fall of 1882, Tryon was still identified as “Henry C. Tryon, Tabor Grand Opera House, Denver,” but by the spring of 1883 he was credited as the official scenic artist for the Salt Lake Theatre. Tryon’s departure from the Tabor Grand created a vacancy for another scenic artist at the venue. Enter, Henry E. Burcky.

Burcky was a previous associated with Tryon in 1881, when the two worked together at the Opera Festival in Cincinnati. This was before Tryon headed west with his little brother Spencer to paint in Denver.  When the Tryon Brothers left the Tabor Grand in 1882, Burcky filled the void left by the pair. The 1884-1885 publication of “Harry C. Miner’s Dramatic Directory” listed Burcky as the scenic artist for both of Tabor’s venues. Information for this listing would have been submitted to Miner’s Directory well in advance, sometime during 1883 when the directory was compiled for publication.

Back to the Tabor Opera House in Leadville…

As previously stated, Lamphere was credited with painting scenery for the Tabor Opera House 1879, and likely adding settings throughout 1880. He was in town long enough to meet and marry a local girl. Not all parts of stock collection were delivered prior to the opening of a venue. Pieces were added on as the season continued, based on the needs of each production.

Lamphere left Leadville about the same time that scenic artist Robert Hopkin arrived to paint the drop curtain for the Tabor Grand Opera House in Denver. The stock scenery for the Tabor Grand Opera House was partly credited to Hopkin and his son in 1881.  Additional stock scenery was painted by Tryon and his younger brother Spencer Tryon. It is possible that any, or all, of the scenic artists working at the Tabor Grand scenery also painted settings for the Tabor Opera House in Leadville during the renovation, but I have yet to verify this as fact. However, the second stage manager for the Tabor Opera House (Sprague) was also an artist, and may also have painted some of the scenery for the renovated Tabor Opera House in 1882, hence only crediting Sprague with the new backstage arrangements. When Sprague left Leadville, the remainder of his career was spent as a painter, albeit in relative obscurity.

In terms of Sprague’s early work as a bill poster in Leadville. It may have been quick work to simply pay the bills upon arriving in Leadville. Many scenic artists accepted other work as bill posters, sign painters and decorative artists to supplement their income. As a bill poster in 1880, Sprague would have pasted up theatre bills and placards on walls or billboards, in addition to completing other small advertising projects that required painted signage. Interestingly, some of the oldest scenery at the Tabor Opera House is covered in bill poster patches. This is the first time that I have encountered a consistent series of scenic repairs with poster material. Whether it was done by Sprague or a successor, bill posters were a readily accessible material in a small western town, especially after a show left for its next town.  Yet, bill poster paper remains an unusual material for nineteenth-century scenery repair.

By 1881 Sprague was listed as a “stageman” for the Tabor Opera House. “Stageman” is an odd listing for the time. I have to wonder if it was intended to be “stage man,” an abbreviation for stage manager, just as “stage carp” indicated stage carpenter.

Although Sprague was not listed in the 1882 Leadville Directory, he reappeared in the 1883 directory as a “stage manager” for the Tabor Opera House. In 1884 he was again listed as the stage manager, just now residing at 202 W. 6^th. Keep in mind that “Stage manager” suggested an intimate knowledge and experience with a variety of backstage tasks that ranged from construction and painting to shifting of scenes and lighting of the stage. The nineteenth-century role of stage manager is very different from our conception of a production’s stage manager today. Nineteenth-century stage managers had a thorough and comprehensive knowledge of the art of the stage mechanism. 

Sprague was still listed as the stage manager for the Tabor Opera House in 1885, but now he had an assistant- William James Moon. “Willie” Moon was listed as the asst. stage manager for the opera house in the Leadville City Directory. Both Sprague and Moon were living at 121 E. 7^th in 1885, although William J. Moon was still listed as living with his mother at 318 W. 3^rd. By 1886, Sprague was no longer listed in the Leadville city directory, and by 1888 Moon was listed as the stage manager for the Tabor Opera House. I have written about Moon in a past post. For more information, visit https://drypigment.net2020/10/10/travels-of-a-scenic-artist-and-scholar-w-j-moon-stage-carpenter-and-stage-manager-at-the-tabor-opera-house/

I’ll write more about Sprague’s life and career tomorrow.

To be continued…

Copyright © 2020 by Wendy Rae Waszut-Barrett

Scenery by Toomey & Volland scenic studio of St. Louis, Missouri, to the Scottish Rite Theatre in Richmond, Virginia. Last month I visited the Richmond Scottish Rite and documented the historic scenery collection, dating from 1900-1920.