Drypigment.net

Copyright © 2020 by Wendy Waszut-Barrett

In 1921 Thomas Gibbs Moses wrote: “White City work starts early in May and we had plenty of it.” Chicago’s White City Amusement Park was located at 63rd Street and South Parkway. In many ways it was Chicago’s answer to New York’s Coney Island. Named after the white lights that lined many of its buildings, there were other White Cities built across the country during the first two decades of the twentieth century.

Each amusement park offered ample opportunities for scenic artists and studios. Imitations of popular attractions, were repeated over, and over again, mainstays at each venue.  For example, Luna Park’s “A Trip to the Moon” became White City’s “A Trip to Mars.” Most attractions and rides relied heavily upon scenic illusion and scene painting. Every year, Sosman & Landis completed projects for White City attractions across the country. Like grand circus spectacles, it was work that the studio depended upon.

Popular features at Chicago’s White City included “A Trip to Mars,” “Fire and Flames (the Chicago Fire),” “The Johnstown Flood,” “the Canals of Venice,” “Temple of Palmistry,” “Catacombs,” “The Third Degree,” “Infant Incubators,” “Midget City,” “Jewell’s Manikins,” and a whole host of other attractions and activities.

There was also a vaudeville theater on the grounds, stocked with scenery for vaudeville acts and concerts. Since the park’s opening in 1905, Sosman & Landis produced scenic elements for dozens of projects at the venue, most under the direction of Moses.  During the park’s second season in 1906, an open-air amphitheater was erected with a seating capacity of 12,000. That year Soman & Landis delivered scenery for the outdoor spectacle, “The Last Days of Pompeii.” In 1909 Moses again recorded delivering scenery for another massive White City spectacle, “The Fall of Messiah.” From simple signs to outdoor displays, painted elements were in constant demand at White City.

Scenic studios accepted all kinds of projects to keep the shop doors open. They relied heavily upon a diverse clientele and a range of projects. In short, this diversification meant they could weather many storms, and survive economic downturns. War, pandemics, and other disasters may postpone theatre projects, but it did not necessary leave scenic artists without work. Legitimate theater was just one of many clients for a scenic artist. Amusement park attractions, charity balls, and other non-theatrical projects also required painted panoramas, platforms, props and scenic elements. Scenic studios were uniquely positioned to deliver themed environments for a variety of uses. In some ways, scenic studios followed the itinerant artist approach; accept any painting work that you can gets your hands on. Whether carriage painting, sign painting, ornamental painting, house painting, or drop curtains, all painting was good work.

In regard to White City projects in 1921, it is difficult to determine the exact work that Moses mentions in his memoirs. That year, there were many events held at the amusement park, including a series of professional ball games. However, White City advertisements during the spring of 1921 included a big entertainment at the Terrace Garden.  On May 25, 1921, the “Chicago Tribune” published a notice in the Amusements section for “The Garden Follies.” This “Edition De Luxe” was called the “Spring Frolics, a riot of color and flash, beauty, fashion, song and dance” (Chicago Tribune, 25 May 1921, page 19). Advertised as a “a big outdoor feature” it was free to the public. There were both afternoon and evening performances on Saturday, Sunday and Decoration Day. Even Frederick Do Bell was part of the event with advertisements stating, “He’ll Make You Gasp!”  Do Bell was a high wire artist, marketed as the “electronic wizard of the high wire.”

Variety acts in an outdoor setting suggest that vaudeville was adapting to the times too, taking their acts to a new level.

To be continued…

Copyright © 2020 by Wendy Waszut-Barrett

The Tabor Opera House was purchased by the Leadville Elks in 1901 and renovated in 1902. Renamed the Elks Opera House, new scenery was purchased for the enlarged stage. Old shutters, wings, borders and roll drops were stored in the attic.

While examining the scenery in the attic this fall, I documented three textile mill stamps. In past posts, I explored the history of Stark Mills (https://drypigment.net2020/11/07/travels-of-a-scenic-artist-and-scholar-stark-mills-and-drillings-for-scenery-at-the-tabor-opera-house/) and the history of Boott Mills (https://drypigment.net2020/11/04/travels-of-a-scenic-artist-and-scholar-boott-mills-standard-sheeting-for-stage-scenery-at-the-tabor-opera-house-in-leadville-colorado/). The third textile mill with fabric that made its way to the Tabor Opera House attic is the New Vaucluse Mills. Fabric manufactured at the New Vaucluse Mill in South Carolina was wrapped around a drop roller.

This small piece of cotton fabric connectsthe history of a Colorado opera house with that of the southern textile industry.

In Dec. 1833, the General Assembly of South Carolina granted Shultz Breithaupt and his associates a charter for the Vaucluse Manufacturing Company. This was only the second charter of incorporation granted to a textile factory in South Carolina. By 1834 operations commenced, and by 1836, the new mill was producing from $250 to $300 worth of goods daily. That is today’s equivalent of $7,000-$8400 worth of goods daily, or 2.5-3 million annually.

For me, it is difficult to explore the history of nineteenth-century textile mills without contemplating the poor working conditions and reliance upon child labor.  Nineteenth-century textile mills are one example of an American industry that did not always prioritize the safety of their workers over profits. Without local, regional and national oversight, many factories considered their employees dispensable, and treated them as such. If ever there was a reason to support American labor unions, we just need to look at history of mill workers; so many were lives were sacrificed for the profits of a few.

The drop roller with the New Vaucluse Mill stamp at the Tabor Opera House likely dates from 1879 to 1882, indicating that this may be some of the earliest scenery delivered to the Tabor Opera House.  This lone roller connects a small western opera house to the South Carolina textile industry. Vaucluse was located near the small towns of Graniteville and Aitken in South Carolina. Now, there are many histories written about the Graniteville Manufacturing Co. and Vaucluse Mills as well as the rise of capitalism in the south. Some historians describe the works of visionaries; rags to riches tales of white men developing manufacturing industries. Others explain that their initial success was a direct result of slave labor; they were only paying for materials in the manufacturing process. This initial jumpstart gave them an immediate advantage over their northern counterparts.

As I read the history, I was reminded of one line from the musical “Hamilton.” It is from an I am exchange between Hamilton and Jefferson in Cabinet Battle #1 . Hamilton says:

A civics lesson from a slaver. Hey neighbor
Your debts are paid cuz you don’t pay for labor

All stories that revolve around the Vaucluse Mills include William Gregg (1800-1867), founder of the Graniteville Manufacturing Company and investor in Vaucluse Mills in the Edgefield District. Vaucluse was a mill town, one of many in the area. The first large-scale cotton mill was constructed in nearby Graniteville by Gregg in 1845, immediately after his return from touring the northern textile mills the year before.  Many consider Gregg to be the father of the textile industry in the South. After he returned for his 1844 trip,  Gregg wrote a series of articles about his visit, calling upon southern investors in to support southern industrialization. In short, Gregg believed that southern mills could effectively compete with their northern counterparts, citing labor was cheaper in the south. Well, in some cases it was slave labor, so free. The Graniteville Manufacturing Co. was organized in 1855, situated on Horse Creek in the town of Graniteville (Keowee Courier, Pickens, SC, 26 June 1879, page 2). In 1869, a larger mill was proposed on the Vaucluse site. An article about the  Vaucluse Manufacturing company asked, “It becomes the citizens of the State, therefore, to take hold upon this enterprise. Into what can our planters better put their surplus funds, the safe investment of which is to so many of them so great a puzzle? In what way can any citizen do more for the general interest of the State?” (The Charleston Daily News, 26 March 1869, page 1). Graniteville mills and Vaucluse mill later became part of the Graniteville Manufacturing Co. Graniteville was the home office and central location to a collection of textile plants in South Carolina and Georgia.

The new Vaucluse mills complex continued to grow and integrate new technology for an ever-increasing output of products. Even after a Vaucluse Mill waterpower burned in 1874, it was soon replaced with a new mill of granite and brick. By 1877, Vaucluse Mill completed the completed the construction of a 342-foor long dam (Keowee Courier, 26 June 1879, page 2). In 1880, Vaucluse Mill even generated 197,000 yards of cloth over a two-week period (Austin American-Statesman, 3 Oct 1880, page 2). By 1884, Vaucluse mill processed 70,738 pounds of cotton that produced 1,423,926 pounds of cloth, or 5,264,500 yards, consuming 1,675,211 pounds of cloth, or about 3,723 bales (Montgomery Adviser, 29 April 1884, page 2).

Buildings from the Vaucluse mills are now part of the Vaucluse historic district, but little is left of textile legacy in terms of products. No handy dishtowels in a museum gift shop as at Boott Mills in Lowell, Massachusetts.

The Vaucluse Historic District was listed in the National Register of Historic Places on May 7, 1996, and includes an 1832 granite wheel house and foundation, the 1877 mill complex (main mill, tower, connecting building, and picker house), 83 former company dwellings the 1952 northside expansion, and the 1955 warehouse. The New Vaucluse mill complex from 1877 was designed by architect Amos D. Lockwood. His design was one of the earliest examples of a New England prototype mill to be built in South Carolina. Lockwood’s later firm, Lockwood, Greene & Co. later designed approximately fifty of South Carolina’s textile manufacturing facilities.

Much of the New Vaucluse Mill history is included in “Planting a Capitalist South: Masters, Merchants, and Manufacturers in the Southern Interior, 1790–1860” by Tom Downey (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 2005).

To be continued…

Copyright © 2020 by Wendy Rae Waszut-Barrett

Here is a backdrop designed and painted by Toomey & Volland scenic studio of St. Louis, Missouri, ca. 1920. Last month I visited the Richmond Scottish Rite and documented the historic scenery collection, dating from 1900-1920. Here is a link to my past post:

Copyright © 2020 by Wendy Waszut-Barrett

William C. Morris first popped onto my radar after my trip to the Tabor Opera House in Leadville, Colorado, last spring. While documenting the historic scenery collection, I encountered a tree profile painted by Frank Cox in 1888. Cox painted his initials on the set piece, as if they were carved into the trunk. In addition to his initials (“TFC” for Tignal Frank Cox), he painted the initials “WM” and “JC” below. Although it was a long shot, I decided to see who was working as a scenic artist in the west at the time, with the initials W. M. My search resulted in five possibilities, with William Morris as one of the options. Regardless of whether the painted initials “W.M.” were for William Morris or not, Morris entered into the Henry C. Tryon storyline by 1882. Both painted for the Salt Lake Theatre. Let me provide a bit of context first.

On September 14, 1882, the “Salt Lake Herald” reported, “Mr. Henry C. Tryon, a well-known scenic artist, is en route for San Francisco, on pleasure. Mr. Tryon is the scenic artist of the Tabor Grand Opera House in Denver”  (page 5). Regardless if the intent were pleasure or work prospects, a few month later the San Francisco Opera Tryon a position as their scenic artist. He published this offer in January 1883, using it to pressure the Salt Lake Theatre into also offering him a position; a smart move that worked.

In the spring of 1883, Tryon again headed west to the coast, this time bringing a friend and fellow scenic artist, William Clyde Morris. At the time, Morris was a thirty-nine yrs. old Salt Lake City Mormon. On March 12, 1883, the “Deseret News” announced, “Back from the Coast.-To-day Mr. Henry C. Tryon and Mr. W. C. Morris, returned from their trip to California. They took in all the sights anywhere near San Francisco and had a very enjoyable time. They received marked courtesy everywhere and had freedom of all the theatres at all hours.” (Deseret News, 12 March 1883, page 3).

After painting scenery for the Tabor Grand Opera House and Tivoli Theatre in Denver, Tryon working in Utah alongside many locals, such as William Clyde Morris and Alfred Lambourne. William Clyde Morris’ father, William V. Morris, was primarily a decorative artist, but also painted scenery for the Salt Lake Theatre until the time of his passing in 1878. His death was possibly why the Salt Lake Theatre sought out Tryon, another experienced scenic artist from the region. In 1882, Henry C. Tryon and his little brother Spencer were working at the Tabor Grand Opera House in Denver. Both the Tabor Grand Opera House and the Salt Lake Theatre were located on the same circuit for many touring productions, the venues also shared artists.

From the fall of 1882 until the fall of 1883, Morris worked alongside the Tryon brothers at the Salt Lake Theatre. Morris and Spencer Tryon were credited with a railroad scene for the production of “Forbidden Fruit.” On January 30, 1883, the “Salt Lake Herald” reported that the scene “was displayed last night for the first time in “Forbidden Fruit.” The article announced that their scene, “called forth a well-deserved round of applause,” elaborating, “It was excellently painted, being full of character, and although (from the nature of the subject without any pretense to color, was beautiful owning to its truth and solidity.” The article’s author congratulated each artist, noting, “Mr. Spencer Tryon is a brother and pupil of Henry C. Tryon, the artist of the Salt Lake Theatre, He is very talented and although scarcely more than a boy in years, has produced some very fine work here and at the Tabor Grand Opera House, Denver. We congratulate Mr. Morris upon the opportunities for the display of his recognized ability, which the scenery at the Salt Lake Theatre has given him, and which will give him in the future, as he has been engaged to assist the artist upon all work done.” This presents Morris as the assistant to the Tryon Brothers.

Morris’ father was a well-known decorative artist the Salt Lake area.  William V. Morris (1821-1878), William Clyde Morris (1844-1889), and William Charles Morris (1871-1853) all worked as painters, specializing in the decorative artists. It is difficult to juggle all of the details surrounding the Morris family due to multiple marriages and dozens of off spring.  I’ll try to stay on task, so here goes…

William Clyde Morris (1844-1889) was the son of William Vaughan Morris (1821-1878) and Sarah Isabelle Gwilt (1826-1851). Morris was born on July 15, 1844 in Liverpool, England, the only child born to the couple. His mother died in Liverpool when Morris was only six years old. Father and son migrated to America sometime after that and joined a Mormon wagon train by 1855. They are recorded as participating in Mormon Pioneer Overland Travel’s Company 11. Their wagon train departed at the end of July in 1855 and arrived at the beginning of November of that same year.  61 individuals and approximately 34-38 wagons departed the outfitting post at Mormon Grove in Kansas (near Atchison), bound for the Salt Lake Valley. Mormon Grove was really a temporary village, a rallying point where members from the Church of Latter-Day Saints gathered prior to emigrating west. In 1855, nearly 2,000 Latter-Day Saints with 337 wagons left Mormon Grove for Salt Lake. Here’s the link to “The Mormon Trail: A Photographic Exhibit,” as it is a fascinating story- https://historytogo.utah.gov/mormon-trail-exhibit/

On the trail, William married his second wife, Hanna Hinchliffe Midgley (1928-1892); their marriage date is recorded as September 5, 1855. The couple celebrated the birth of two sons, Thomas Conway Morris in 1858 and Brigham Morris in 1862, half-brothers to William Clyde Morris. Only Thomas survived to adulthood. William V. Morris also married Nancy Cook (1833-1909) and the couple celebrated the birth of Hanna Barbara (1866-1931) and Eli Elias (1873-1940). There is no record of divorce and Hannah did not pass away until 1928. So, it appears that William V. was married to both Hannah and Nancy at the same time, fathering nine children between the two. Also, in 1861 Morris was naturalized, becoming a citizen of the United States of America (“Deseret News,” 11 Sept. 1861, page 5).

William Clyde Morris on seems to have married only once. On June 21, 1868, he married Diantha Empey (1848-1928). The couple celebrated the birth of  five daughters and two sons: Mary Ann (1871-1927), Diantha Isabelle (1873-1940), William Charles  (1874-1940) and Price LeRoy (1877-1958), Cora Conway (1881-1893), Minevia Morgan (1883-1904), and Klea Vaugh (1888-1972). His son, William Charles Morris, also became an artist. This muddies the waters, as they both went by William C. Morris.

In 1870, William V. and Willian Clyde ran the painting firm of Morris & Son in Salt Lake City. Posted notices in the “Deseret News” advertised, “Painting in all its branches by Morris & Son. We beg to offer our services to the public at large in our line of business on a reasonable term as any other form. Plain House painting; glazing and paper hanging; carriages, signs, both plain and fancy; ornamental decorations and gilding; graining and marbling of all kinds; and theatrical decorations and sceneries” (18 Jan 1870, page 1). Their shop was in the Alley on Main Street, rear of E. Martin’s Photograph Gallery. In 1873, William Clyde designed the new diploma for the Agricultural and Manufacturing Society of Utah (Deseret News, 26 Nov. 1873, page 9).

Morris & Son were also mentioned in 1874, when they directed the decorations for the Sunday School Jamboree, a big event in Salt Lake. Little is mentioned in regard to the firm after that, and by 1878, William V. passed away.

William Clyde continued work as a decorator. In January 1888, he became part of the art committee with George M. Ottinger, Henry Squires and Mrs. Reading for a benefit art drawing for Harry Brown of Logan. By the way, Ottinger also worked as a scenic artist for the Salt Lake Theatre.

By fall 1888, Morris was primarily producing signage for the Utah Exposition building, constructed by the Deseret Agricultural and Manufacturing Society on the Tenth Ward Square in Salt Lake City. On September 29, 1888, Morris placed the following advertisement:

“W. C. Morris, the Decorator is still in the front! Notice! Notice! W. C. Morris, having secured the privilege of introducing Pictorial Signs to advertise the Prominent Business Firms of this city in the Utah Exposition Building, is now running his force to the fullest extent, and as the line is limited, parties interested will please bring in their orders immediately. Size of panels 8 x 14 ft. Painted and Lettered in the Highest Style of Art. For further particulars see W. C. Morris.” (page 3). Many events surrounded the opening of the building, including an art exhibition. On Oct 5, 1888, the “Salt Lake Herald” reported that W. C. Morris’ entry in the art department for the Utah Exposition. He was awarded best ornamental painting, silver medal, and best display pastel work, vegetables. Morris continued to focus on decorative work for the remainder of his career.

William Clyde Morris and William V. Morris were remembered in an article published in the “Ogden Standard-Examiner” on Feb. 3, 1924 (page 5). The article reported, “In 1861, George M. Ottinger arrived in Salt Lake City and permanently established himself in his profession. At this time the people of Utah had somewhat emerged from the straightened circumstances of earlier days and buildings were being erected with some pretentions toward ornamentation. The Salt Lake Theatre was shortly completed and Ottinger, the painter, and William V. Morris, the decorator, found employment in painting the scenery and decorations. It was later carried to completion by William Morris’ son, William C. Morris on whose shoulders the mantle of his fathers’ talents seems to have fallen.” This article also indicates why Tryon was hired at the Salt Lake Theatre in 1883 when it was renovated. Tryon brought the theatrical experience necessary for the successful completion of the project, as he specialized in stage art.

To be continued…

Copyright © 2020 by Wendy Waszut-Barrett

A cathedral setting designed and painted by Toomey & Volland scenic studio of St. Louis, Missouri, ca. 1920. Last month I visited the Richmond Scottish Rite and documented the historic scenery collection, dating from 1900-1920. Here is a link to my past post:

While on site, I was assisted by Michael Powers and Richard Finkelstein to set and light each scene during the cataloguing process. Here are a few images that I took of the scene:

Copyright © 2020 by Wendy Waszut-Barrett

On Christmas Day in 1880, the “New York Clipper” included an advertisement for the sale of scenery painted by Henry C. Tryon: “SCENERY for a tropical transformation , properties, dresses , etc… and the manuscript and music or The Tale of Enchantment are offered for sale by Henry C . Tryon , who advertises.” (New York Clipper, 25 Dec 1880). 1879 advertisements  in Baltimore marketed “A Tale of Enchantment and the Grand Transformation Scene” (Baltimore Sun, 1 March 1879, page 1).

It was the inclusion of  “tropical transportation” that caught my eye, and I immediately thought of the tropical wings painted for the Tabor Opera House by Henry E. Burcky in 1890.  Burcky and Tryon had worked together in 1881, painting scenes for the Opera Festival in Cincinnati. Both worked for the Tabor Grand Opera House in the 1880s. Burcky’s extant jungle wings at the Tabor may be our closest visual example for Tryon’s tropical transformation, both in period and technique.

Based on “The Black Crook,” the Tryon Brothers presented a “grand spectacular romance in four acts” (Baltimore Sun, 24 Feb 1879. Page 1). It was first performed at Baltimore’s Front Street Theatre in 1879.

The Tryon Brothers presented this advertisement promised, “Replete with all the elements of the most wildly romantic interest, produced at an actual cost of three thousand dollars. 100 superb and costly dresses, rich appointments, and glittering paraphernalia.” Ethe advertisement went onto describe the inclusion of eighteen members from the “Great Vienna Ballet Troupe,” under the direction of  “well-known Maître de Ballet, Mons. A. Blandowski.” In all, there were one-hundred member’s in the company. The “Baltimore Sun,” reported the inclusion of a “beautiful and charming transformation scene – Fairy Palace of Pleasure – Dazzling and Glittering Dresses and Gorgeous Lovely Cupids” (“Baltimore Sun,” 27 Feb 1879, page 1).

Although it had been thirteen years since the premiere of “The Black Crook,” the current owners of the show filed objected to the close imitation, again. A legal notice was also posted on February 24, 1879 in the “Cincinnati Daily Star” –  “The injunction against the Front-street theater for presenting “A Tale of Enchantment,” is threatened by owners of the “Black Crook, which is claimed to be the same play” (Cincinnati Daily Star, 24 Feb 1879, page 1).  This legal notice became a great marketing devise for the Tryon Bros. show; two days later, only standing room was left to see the show at the Fourteenth Street Theatre in Baltimore. This also did not stop the show from completing the Baltimore run or touring that year. If anything, “A Tale of Enchantment now embraced its similarities to the “Black Crook.”

Litigation issues, citing “The Black Crook” imitations, were not new. On November 30, 1867, the “New York Clipper” included an article entitled, “The ‘Black Crook’ in Court” (page 270). The article noted “On the 16th inst. an injunction was issued in Memphis, Tenn., enjoining George Deagle from performing the spectacle of a ‘Tale of Enchantment’ at the Greenlaw Opera House. The injunction was granted at the instance of J.H. Vicker, who appeared as ‘attorney in fact’ of  John E. McDonough, who purchased the right to produce the spectacle entitled ‘The Black Crook’ from the author, C.M. Barras, in Memphis and several other prominent cities of the country. The injunction was granted on the grounds that the ‘Tale of Enchantment,’ as produced by Mr. Deagle, was ‘a colorable imitation of the ‘Black Crook’,’ and hence there was an alleged infringement of the rights of Mr. McDonough in the premises.”

Despite legal concerns in 1879, the Tryon Bros. took their show on the road. On May 26, 1879, a “Hartford Courant” advertised the show at the New National Theatre, announcing, “A Tale of Enchantment. Producing fac similes of all the dazzling effect of the Black Crook. New music – new ballets – new effects in illuminations – new properties – new and beautiful scenery – new costumes etc., etc.” (Hartford Connecticut, page 1). The tropical transformation scene was now referred to as, “Grand Manœuvre de Amazon.” It featured, “twenty-four young ladies of the Ballet, led by  Stilecta. Grand Transformation Scene, introducing the Enchanted Home of the Fairies.”

The production did not always receive positive feedback from theatre critics in newspapers. When it was performed at Hamlin’s Theatre in Chicago, the “Inter Ocean” published a scathing review. Keep in mind that at least two of the original scenic artists for the original 1866 production of the “Black Crook” were living and working in Chicago during 1879.  The Aug. 20 “Inter Ocean” article reported, “That old and much-abused spectacular drama, “The Black Crook,” is being presented at this place, under the precautionary title “A Tale of Enchantment.” It is  not being severe to say that it is badly presented, at that. It is wanting in the two primary elements of success, the scenic gorgeousness and ballet effects.( The display of the latter respect is rather inadequate, to put it mildly. Imagine, moreover, 200 pounds of embonpoint as Queen of Flowers, and a corresponding obesity as the heroine of the mortal story! And the fairies correspond to all possible shapes from their queen down to the diminutive proportions of May Treat. Inasmuch as there is no call for good acting, that feature is not to be expected, and in the failure of all other traditionary features, the piece fails sadly into inferiority in every department. To somewhat atone for this, an olio is interspersed through the fete scene, made up of the Hamilton sisters, Fredericks, and Gloss Brothers, Forman and Butler, John Welch and Harry Stanly, who succeed in the duty of propitiation. Success would be more assured for the week is an addition was made of the limbistic attractions. The concluding or transformation scene is good” (Inter Ocean, page 7).

Regardless, the show was still touring at the end of the year. On Dec. 3, 1879, the “St. Louis Globe-Democrat” included an advertisement for “The Tale of Enchantment” at the Globe Theatre, noting that it had proven to be “a mine of popularity and patronage to this theater, and the specialties which are introduced and greatly to the interest of the spectacular show” (page 3).

By 1880, the Tryon Brothers production was soon faced with competition when the Kiralfy Brothers decided to produce the exact same show, but better. The Kiralfy’s version of “A Tale of Enchantment” advertised “On a scale of magnificence and grandeur surpassing anything ever seen in America. Entirely new and novel costumes. Brilliant and glittering armors and jewels, marvelous mechanical effects. Full corps de ballet, Grand cosmopolitan ballet of fifty ladies in glittering armor. Immense demon ballet. The world’s greatest premiere De Rose, Mlle. Pagaleri and Mons. Arnold Kiralfy introducing the following great European Specialty artists: Les Fantochs Valotte; the famous Ulm Sister in their eccentric Styrian Songs; the Three Ronaldos;  Master Carling, the extraordinary Caricaturist; Grand Amazon March, and led by beautiful and charmingly formed young lady.” In regard the scenery, the advertisement noted, “A few of the numerous Stage Pictures are Village in Harz Mountains, a Wild Cross Path in Brocken, the Grotto of Stalacta, Palace of Lace, Laboratory, Pandemonium, Subterranean Vaults, the Grand Staircase of the Golden Terrace, Burning Forest, and the Grand Transformation Scene – the Homes of the Fairies.”

At the end of the first successful year for the Kiralfy’s production, Henry C. Tryon posted notice for sale of his scenery, indicating that the run of his production was over. By the summer of 1881, however, a new production of “A Tale of Enchantment” was advertised in Cincinnati. It is possible that this new production used Tryon’s scenic investitures. By August 31, 1881, the “Cincinnati Enquirer” reported  “Vine-Street Opera-House now open with the TALE OF ENCHANTMENT, superior in every way to the renowned BLACK CROOK. New scenery and gorgeous costumes, with Signor Novissimo and his magnificent Spanish Ballet of 24 young ladies. Also, a number of America’s best specialty artists” (page 5).

To be continued…

Copyright © 2020 by Wendy Waszut-Barrett

The story of the Tabor Opera House in Leadville, Colorado, is interwoven with that of Gov. H. A. W. Tabor, Augusta Tabor, and Baby Doe Tabor. The 1932 film was based on David Karsner’s book, “Silver Dollar,” tracing the ups and downs of this one-time silver magnate and his two wives.

On Dec. 1, 1932, the world premiere of “Silver Dollar” was held at the Denver Theatre, previously known as  the Tabor Grand Opera House. Prior to the premiere, movie representatives scoured Leadville for artifacts to display at the upcoming event. They visited Baby Doe in Leadville and searched throughout the opera house for remnants from Tabor’s glory days.

On Dec. 9, 1932, “Steamboat Pilot” announced, “Leadville Relics Taken to Denver for ‘Silver Dollar.’ The article reported, “The theater men also went to the Elks, once the famous Tabor opera house of Leadville, seeking relics of the olden days. They secured a stage drop and four magnificent velvet drapes of the ornate Tabor days. Both drop and drapes are said to be older than the curtain at the old Tabor Grand theater in Denver” (page 3). Note the article did not state that the men secured the original drop curtain, or any painted front curtain from the Tabor Opera House in Leadville,

For additional context, the original drop curtain for the Tabor Grand Opera House in Denver was painted by Robert Hopkin in 1881, two years after the Tabor Opera House in Denver opened. It was an impressive scene of ancient ruins and the Charles Kinsley quote: “So fleet the works of men, back to their earth again; Ancient and holy things fade like a dream.” How apropos.

After the drop from the Tabor Opera House was used for the 1932 premiere, it seems to have disappeared from sight and institutional memory. For decades, many believed that the movie representatives failed to return the drop; some even believed that it was the original 1879 front curtain. At the time that it went out on loan, there was no loan agreement, or any description of what was being lent out for display at the movie premier. Others hoped that somewhere, amidst the piles of the scenery in the Tabor Opera House attic, the missing drop was carefully tucked away, awaiting discovery.

In February 2020, a missing roll drop was discovered at the Tabor Opera House, hiding on stage in plain sight. At the time, I was leading a group of local volunteers to document the scenery on stage. Near the end of the documentation process, we spotted something suspended just below the pin rail. We lowered the piece and unrolled the scene. It was roll drop with a palace arch composition. This piece was possibly the same drop lent out for the movie premiere and returned to a secure place.

It was certainly not the original drop curtain for the Tabor Opera House in 1879; wrong composition. The original front curtain was described in an article for the “Leadville Weekly Herald” on November 15, 1879 (page 3 ): “The drop curtain is a masterpiece from the brush of Mr. Lamphere, and represents a glorious mountain scene, at the base of which is a fine old castle, with a stream running at the foot; alongside of the water is a rugged road, which ends in the winding of  canyon.”  The size also indicates that it could not fill the proscenium opening, suggesting that the roll drop was some type of backing piece. Furthermore, the proportions and forced perspective suggest a far upstage placement near the back wall, almost as a masking flat. A few years later, the stage and scenery were refurbished, and a new drop curtain was painted.

The small size of the extant roll drop likely made it into a perfect artifact to put on display for the 1932 premier; small, compact, and easily transportable. The wings or shutters in the Tabor Opera House attic would have been too difficult to remove, transport and display in winter. The roll drop also exhibits all of the characteristics of having been partially “touch-up” for the movie premiere. Interestingly, only a portion was refurbished, and not the entire composition; the top quarter of the scene was left “as is.”  The refurbished section suggest that the piece was partially exhibited in a nearby lobby or a reception room. This top portion of the drop was possibly rolled, or draped over a bar, unseen. It was refurbished to fit in a shorter venue. Keep in mind that none of the original scenery would have worked well at the Tabor Grand Opera House, as it was simply too small for the proscenium opening.

Furthermore, the roll drop that we discovered last February was actually documented in 1933 as part of a Scenery Project led by Muriel Sibell Wolle (1898-1977).  In December 1933, Wolle led a group to of students, a former Tabor stage manager, and professors set up and photograph many of the scenes on stage at the Tabor House. This documentation did not include the wings and shutters that were stored in the attic. Wolle also sketched each set and made color notes, later making watercolor paintings for each piece. For more images from the 1933 Scenery Project, visit: https://digital.denverlibrary.org/digital/collection/p15330coll22/search/searchterm/1933%20Scenery%20project

There is a historic photograph of the curtain in the Denver Public Library digital collections database. Although the exact date remains unknown, the roll drop is visible as a backing piece for an interior setting, dated prior to the stage renovation by the Elks.

To be continued…

Copyright © 2020 by Wendy Waszut-Barrett

Nineteenth-century “stage trimmings” referred to painted settings that included drops, wings, shutters, and borders. Stage trimmings also included the proscenium border and wings, both painted elements that accompanied most stage settings regardless of their composition. The proscenium border and proscenium wings were later known as the grand teaser and grand tormentors, or grand tormentor wings. Newspaper descriptions of nineteenth-century proscenium drapery frequently credited the skills of a scenic artist, verifying that theses were painted elements. Often permanently positioned immediately upstage of the proscenium opening, they were only removed for larger spectacles that necessitated the entire stage space, such as acrobatic acts, tightrope walkers, and the like. Otherwise, the proscenium side wings and proscenium borders remained in place for most productions.

Once the drop curtain was raised for a performance, proscenium wings and borders provided the first layer of masking for any scene. These stage elements also provided a visual transition from painted decor and architectural ornamentation in the auditorium to painted illusion on the stage. They unified the auditorium and stage in historic performance venues. Of all the painted pieces delivered by a scenic artist, these elements were the most viewed by any audience member.
Over time, proscenium wings and borders were replaced with ornate or plain fabric versions, forever altering the audience expectations and the framed presentation of painted illusion. Fabric valances, grand borders, drapes and close-in curtains became standard masking for proscenium openings by 1930; their initial popularity beginning over a decade earlier.
From 1881 to 1883, Tryon delivered new stock scenery for the Tabor Grand Opera House and Tivoli Theatre in Denver, Colorado, as well as the Springville Theatre Hall and Salt Lake Theatre in Utah. These were just four examples of the hundreds of theatres stocked with scenery painted by Tryon throughout the duration of his career. The stock scenery collections were produced over time, with each piece being unveiled to the public as part of a setting for a touring show or local production.
On May 21, 1882, the “Colorado Daily Chieftain” credited Tryon with the new scenery for the Tivoli Theatre in Denver. Of the scenic appointments, the article reported, “The stage trimmings will be of the most handsome and costly character. Mr. Henry C. Tryon, scenic artist of the Tabor Grand Opera house, Denver, having charge of the work, which will be finished in good season for the grand opening Monday evening” (page 3). Advertisements promised “Complete set of new scenery! From the brush of Henry C. Tryon, scenic artist of the Tabor Grand” (“Colorado Daily Chieftain,” May 24, 1882). By June 1, 1882, the “Colorado Daily Chieftain” announced, “Henry C. Tryon, the scenic artist, is making constant additions to the Tivoli scenery. The gentleman has few superiors in his line” (page 3).
Immediately after this project, Tryon headed west to paint new scenery for the Salt Lake Theatre and Springville Theatre Hall in Utah. For the Salt Lake Theatre, Tryon painted one scene after another, used by touring troops and the Salt Lake Theatre Dramatic Combination company. His work was featured in “Old Shipmates,” “Not Guilty,” and “Under the Gaslight,” to name a few that fall. For “Under the Gaslight,” “The Salt Lake Herald” reported, “This piece has been thoroughly rehearsed, and the new scenes by Mr. Tryon will be used and assist materially in the effectiveness of the production. The piece will be well given and draw a good house.”
In a review of Tryon’s new ship scene used in “Old Shipmates” that fall, the “Deseret News” also discussed other scenic pieces painted by the popular artist. The article reported, “The new drapery and proscenium wings and borders painted by the same and talented artist, will be exhibited that evening for the first time” (October 24, 1883).
An article entitled “Theatre Improvements” in the “Deseret News” described his new proscenium wings and borders (18 Oct 1882, page 3):“Two heavy white marble columns placed on each side of the proscenium opening, surrounding and partly covered by rich crimson drapery, support a continuation of the same drapery, arched in Pompeian form, and with details carried out in a similar style. Immediately behind the arched opening formed the front drapery border, hangs a simple lambrequin of white satin, with a gold medallion fastened to the center of the principal festoon, in which is graven the beehive of Utah; surrounding the medallion are thistles on one side and roses on the other. The prevailing colors of the arch border are rich crimson and gold, the heaviest lightened up with black. The corners of the arches are weighted down by medallions of gold, varied by reliefs in white marble. The whole combination includes richness contrasted by extreme delicacy, and care has been taken that each, while harmonizing with the other, shall be separated by graceful continuous masses. Masking the top of the leading drapery hangs close to the proscenium another maroon ‘border’ with a medallion and drapery surrounding it, looped closely. The medallion in the centre is placed there as the response to those at the extreme ends of the drapery. This last border is hung in front of the drop curtain. The others about six feet back form the proscenium.”

Each piece of Tryon’s stock scenery was gradually unveiled to the public from the fall of 1882 through the spring of 1883. Tryon initially painted a ship setting and a steamboat setting. His work was congratulated, and newspapers reported, “the new ship scene recently painted by Mr. Henry C. Tryon, of the Tabor Grand Opera House is acknowledged to be one of the most realistic sets ever put upon the stage” (Ogden Standard, 30 Sept, 1882, page 3). On Nov. 25, 1882, the “Salt Lake City Herald” reported that new scenes painted by Tryon included a snow scene, woods scene, street scene, and prison setting (page 8). By the end of May 1883, the “Deseret News” reported “The forest scene, painted by Henry C. Tryon, introduced last night and this afternoon in ‘The Serf,’ is a masterpiece. The foliage borders transform the stage into the appearance of a dense wood with actual timber, over hanging and spreading branches and leaves. It is the nearest approach to nature in the department of scene painting we have ever seen” (May 26, 1883, page 5).

Tryon’s stage trimmings, like those of many scenic artists, made news throughout the second half of the nineteenth century in America. The works of scenic artists were advertised, reviewed and applauded. Painted scenery by well-known artists drew crowds and added to the credibility of each performance. By the onset of the twentieth century, the listing of specific scenic artists in newspaper reviews began to diminish. The detailed descriptions of stage settings were gradually replaced with articles about other technological advancements in stage machinery and lighting. The presence of scenic artists, once celebrated in newspapers, began to fade; their identities hidden backstage at many venues.

To be continued…

Copyright © 2020 by Wendy Waszut-Barrett

In the summer of 1882, Henry C. Tryon left Denver, Colorado, and traveled west to Salt Lake City, Utah. By that fall, Henry C. Tryon painted a ship setting for the Salt Lake Theatre’s upcoming production of “Old Shipmates.” “Old Shipmates” starred Frank Mordaunt and featured a ship scene, a scene that did not tour with the company. Each theatre on the tour provided scenery from their stock. In Salt Lake City, Tryon painted a scene for the touring show to use at the Salt Lake Theatre.

Around this same time, Tryon also painted a Steamship setting for a production of “Not Guilty,” also at the Salt Lake Theatre. Of the production, the “Ogden Standard” announced, “On Monday night Watts Phillip’s thrilling sensational drama of ‘Not Guilty’ will be given with a strong cast, fine scenic and mechanical effects, embracing the new ship scene, recently painted by Henry C. Tryon of the Tabor Grand Opera House, Denver, and acknowledged to be one of the most realistic sets ever put upon the stage” (Ogden Standard, 30 Sept 1882, page 3). The settings included a rural setting, a ship scene and a quarry.

“Not Guilty” had been around for a while, having premiered at the Queen’s Theatre in London, over a decade earlier. The playwright was also an artist, with a pretty specific vision for the 1869 piece. For more about Watts Phillips, read “Watts Phillips: Artist and Playwright.” Here is a link to a free pdf of the book: https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=CB_zKT2aMrsC&hl=en&pg=GBS.PA11

In 1869 “Sharpe’s London Magazine” described the Phillip’s new production (Vol 34, Jan 1869, page 166):

“’Not Guilty’ the new melodrama at the Queen’s, possesses Anglo-Indian incidents connected with the dreadful mutiny of 1857; but there are more incidents relating to home life, including that convict-life which the stage too often holds up to the view, and which the convict-life is low, disgusting, and so unfit to be reproduced in dramatic pictures, that we wonder at its toleration by any audience. Before dismissing “Not Guilty,” we will admit that it possesses highly sensational elements, but protest against any phase of that terrible mutiny of the troops being represented by a man or two prowling about the side of a wall as British soldiers, and another man or two bobbing their heads up, now and then, on the other side of the wall as mutineers. The main incident in “Not Guilty” is founded on a fact recorded in a remarkable criminal trial: we allude to the fate of Silas Jarrett, the convict.”

“Not Guilty,” received unfavorable reviews when the show premiered in 1869. Even American newspapers reported that it was “rather roughly handed” and “a bad specimen of the worst class of plays” (“Buffalo Courier,” 1 April, 1869, page 4). However, the production was still running a year later, premiering in America at Niblo’s Garden in New York. On June 6, 1870, the “New York Daily” announced, “Another novelty will be the new military drama by Watt’s Phillips entitled ‘Not Guilty,’ which will be brought out at Niblos’s to-night with  all the paraphernalia of war, love, murder, virtue, villainy, and every sensation that the stage is capable of” (page 7).

By June 13, 1870, “Brooklyn Daily Eagle,” reported, “Whatever may be the literary and artistic deficiencies of the play ‘Not Guilty,’ it is met with a decided popular success at Niblo’s. It is a succession of varied and exciting incidents, happening in three quarters of the globe, introducing Australians, Sepoys and English convicts. The interest never flags, there is so much life in every scene. This is why it attracts and pleases, and fills the house” (“Brooklyn Daily Eagle,” 13 June 1870, page 3).  The failure of the production in London was now credited to poor production values. In New York, the “Brooklyn Daily Eagle,” reported, “Great preparations have been made for its proper production,” including 150 soldiers from the Garibaldi Guard and the Fifth Infantry Regimental band and drum corps (“Brooklyn Daily Eagle,” 7 June 1870, page 2). The increased spectacle immediately won popularity with American audiences. Niblo’s advertised the show as a “grand romantic military drama in four acts,” produced with new scenery, new mechanism, new properties, new uniforms, new overtures, &c., &c.” (New York Times, 9 June 1870, page 7).

“Not Guilty” was playing again at Queen’s Theatre in 1882; the same year that it was produced in Salt Lake City. Of the Salt Lake production, the “Deseret News” reported, “The Salt Lake Dramatic Combination will repeat the play of ‘Not Guilty,’ with its thrilling sensations and beautiful scenery, including the Great Steamship Scene, painted by Mr. Henry C. Tryon of the Tabor Opera House, on Saturday evening, October 28.” The Dramatic Combination was “composed of Messrs. McKenzie, Margetts, Graham, and Lindsay,” assisted by a full company and full orchestra (Ogden Standard, 30 Sept 1882, page 3). On October 29, 1882, the “Salt Lake Herald,” announced “the painting that has recently been done by the scenic artist, Mr. Tryon has added wonderfully to the attractive appearance of the stage and shows Mr. Tryon to be a scenic artist of the highest order. It is hoped that while he is here, the gentleman’s services will be secured to make other improvements which would not only contribute to the appearance of the interior but add to the stage effects and thus add materially to the pleasure of its patrons. What has been done so far has given a taste to the public for more – and the more the better.”

To be continued…

Copyright © 2020 by Wendy Waszut-Barrett

When the Tabor Opera House opened in 1879, the “Leadville Weekly Herald” included an article about the new structure entitled, “The Opera House. Description of Leadville’s New Place of Amusement” (November 15, 1879,  page 3 ). In addition to an extensive description of the building and stage area, the article reported, “Mr. Lamphere, one of the finest scenic artists in the west, has charge of the scenes, their preparation and management, and he promises to produce as fine an effect as can be had in any of the largest theatres of the east, even including New York and Philadelphia, in both of which places he has at times been engaged. Mr. Barber is the stage carpenter and has always been considered first class in his line, and second to none in New York city, from which he has recently arrived…The drop curtain is a masterpiece from the brush of Mr. Lamphere, and represents a glorious mountain scene, at the base of which is a fine old castle, with a stream running at the foot; alongside of the water is a rugged road, which ends in the winding of  canyon.” Two years later the building and stage were renovated. The scenery and stage machinery delivered by Lamphere and Barber was less than ideal.

Some recounts suggest that Lamphere was a well-known artist; very successful and from the east. Well, east is relative and can mean Denver or Omaha, as both are still geographically east. Lamphere moved from Omaha to Denver by 1872 and was still working as a decorative artist in 1879. He later marketed himself as a scenic artist, but was primarily a fresco painter when the Tabor Opera House was built.

James “Edgar” Lamphere was the son of Orrin Lamphere and Malinda Post. Born in 1839, J. E. Lamphere was the second of five sons born to the couple. His brothers were Milan “Milton” (b. 1840) George (b. 1842), William (b. 1864) and Alonzo Horace (b. 1848).The young boys moved with their parents from New York to Tompkins, Illinois, during the mid 1840s. Tragedy struck, and their mother passed away shortly thereafter, in 1850. Their father immediately remarried a woman called Harriet, and the couple celebrated the birth of a daughter in 1851. Harriet was almost twenty years his junior, and the couple added three daughters to the expanding family: Melissa (b. 1851), Alma (B. 1853) and Ida May (b. 1857).  One by one, the sons from the first family moved out of the household, including James who soon married and began painting.

Although I have yet to discover a definitive marriage date, by 1860, James was married and had a daughter. By 1868, James was working as a house and sign painter, listed in the Omaha directory. He had his own establishment, working with his younger brother Alonzo Horatio Lamphere. The two were listed in the Omaha directory, each living at 515 12^th. The 1870 U. S. Federal Census still listed J. E. Lamphere as a painter in Omaha. His wife Delia was 28 years old, with his children Clara and George, ten yrs. old and two years old respectively. The family also had a live-in servant. His younger brother, listed as “A. H. Lamphere” was still working in Omaha, but now living with another painter at a boarding house – A. N. Dobbins. Both James and Alonzo remained in Omaha until 1872, when they headed west to Denver. It remains unclear if Lamphere left his family, or if they chose to stay. However, he did remarry by 1879.

As far as Alonzo, he occasionally worked as a scenic artist as he continued west, eventually settling in California by 1880. Interestingly, their brother George also became a house painter in Chicago.

In 1872 J. E. Lamphere was working in Colorado as an artist. He remained in the west for at least a decade before fading from historical records. The Digital Collections at the Denver Public library have three mentions of J. E. Lamphere, as recorded in the Western History Subject Index. The index only lists the name, profession, date and newspaper. So, there is no way of knowing the context, and Lamphere may have simply been listed in the business cards section of the paper. In 1872, 1879 and 1881, Lamphere was mentioned in the “Rocky Mountain News.” In 1872, he was listed as an artist (March 27, page 1, column 4). In 1879, he was noted as a fresco painter ( Feb 25, 1879, page 4, column 5). Finally, in 1881, Lamphere was listed as a scenic artist (Sept. 4, page 8, column 3).

In 1879, the Denver Directory lists James E. Lamphere as a fresco painter and grainer, not a scenic artist or connected to any theatre, instead working for C. A. Trea. Charles A. Treat ran a wallpaper and sign works company located at 306 15th St. in Denver (Western Magazine, Vol. 4, 1880, page 5). Treat had been a fixture in Denver’s decorative artist scene for some time, placing advertisements as early as 1872 in the ”Denver Daily Times” (9 Aug. 1872).  By the time Lamphere was working for Treat in 1879, Lamphere was living at the West Lindell Hotel. By 1880, Lamphere had moved to Leadville, living with his second wife.

On January 1, 1881, the “Leadville Daily Herald” included James E. Lamphere and Mary S. Faxson (nee Ainsworth) as one of the couples married in Leadville during 1880 (page 5). Mrs. M. S. Faxon was listed in the 1880 Leadville City Directory as living at 314 W 8^th. The couple’s marriage did not last long, as a notice of their divorce was published in the “Leadville Weekly Democrat” on Feb. 1, 1881: “Mary S. Lamphere vs Lamphere; judgement and decree of divorce for plaintiff at her costs.” Mary remained in Leadville, and remarried on June 5, 1881. Her next husband was Thomas J. Lanchan; they were also married in Leadville. I have yet to uncover any mention of Lamphere after that date.

In past writings, I proposed that James E. Lamphere solely functioned as the interior decorator for the Tabor Opera House; someone else painted the scenic art. My rationale was that there were plenty of well-known scenic artists working at theaters in Leadville by 1879; why hire a fresco painter from Denver who did not specialize in scenery? Furthermore, I suggested that as Tabor was ordering the best of everything, why skimp on the painted scenery. Well, I think that I found my reason: a lack of understanding pertaining to theatre production and the architectural construction of the Tabor Opera House auditorium and stage may have been the reason.

Significant funds were spent on the direct patron experience, such as the façade of the building, the entrance and theatre seats. The stage mechanism as a whole, or the necessary accommodations for productions would have taken a back seat to the opera boxes, fancy opera chairs and auditorium lighting on the main level.  The balcony, scenic appointments, other areas vacated less by Tabor or affluent patrons may have been considered trivial. A lack of attention to detail in other areas beyond those that Tabor would have had direct contact may have taken a backseat, even the basic engineering of the building.

On November 15, 1879, the “Leadville Weekly Herald” described the new Tabor Opera House in detail, reporting “One of the greatest attractions on Harrison avenue is the newly erected Tabor Opera House next door to the Clarendon hotel. It is a three-story brick structure trimmed with Portland cement, and has a frontage on the avenue of sixty feet and extends back one hundred and twenty feet.” The article then described each area of the structure in detail, noting that 450 individuals could be comfortably accommodated on the first floor,

Less than a month later, a much larger venue opened in Leadville – the Grand Central Opera House. It was one particular article about this opera house that made me reevaluate my previous notions about the the Tabor.

The Grand Central Theatre opened on Dec. 12, 1879, located on the same spot as the previous  the Theatre Comique and boasting 1,500 seats. The large size and shady location were a problem from the beginning, but the stage accommodations were much more complete than the small stage and ten settings at the Tabor. The proscenium opening measured 26’ w x 27’h and there were fifty-five sets of scenes. Tabor’s second theatre, the Tabor Grand, would also boast fifty settings in 1881.

An 1880 article in “The Leadville Daily Herald” made an interesting comment about the Tabor Opera House in relation to the Grand Central Theatre. On Dec. 9, 1880, the article reported “As the Tabor Opera House has no company, all stars and combinations are obliged to contract with the Grand Central, and [Billy] Nuttall is using his utmost endeavors to secure the best talent which is available. Having a stage possessing accommodation far superior to any other, and with a company which embraces all the dramatic talent in the state, together with the liberality of expenditure for which he has always been noted, even from his earliest connection with the camp, there is no reason why this theatre should not become a recognized resort for the most respectable people.” This really places the Tabor Opera House in perspective, especially when considering the scenic appointments for each stage.

Furthermore, money was spent on the exterior façade and not the structural integrity of the Tabor Opera House. Keep in mind that the Tabor Opera House was built in 102 days, with groundbreaking occurring Aug. 1, 1879. Of the Tabor Opera House’s construction article placed in the “Leadville Weekly Herald” reported Messrs. Roberts took the contract for erecting the building for $30,000. Some three weeks ago Mr. J. T. Roberts sold out his interest in the business, and Mr. L. E. Roberts continued, and has finished the building to the satisfaction of the gentlemen interested (15 Nov. 1879). It appears that corners were cut and details overlooked in the process. Furthermore, without a theatre company or extensive scenery collection, possibilities for booking productions were limited. Recognizing the deficiencies, the Tabor Opera House underwent a massive renovation to fix several problems by August 1882. The building was less than two years old at the time and there were significant areas of concern. 

The improvements were described in detail under the heading “Improving the Tabor” (Leadville Daily Herald, August 23, 1882, page 4).  On August 22, 1882, work commenced on the auditorium ceiling. The article reported, “All plastering and ceiling of the hall will be removed, and then eighty-six jack-screws will be put in and the building roof raised three inches. New iron plates and screws will be put into the roof, and instead of plastering there will be put the best quality of ducking canvas on the ceiling, which will be thoroughly calcimined. New and substantial columns of support will be placed throughout the building. The interior arrangements of the hall will be left at present as they are, with the exception of the gallery, which will be materially improved. Its ventilation, which has heretofore not been what it ought to be will be made as perfect as possible, and the seats arranged in such a manner that they will no longer be a source of trouble and annoyance. The guttering of the whole building throughout will be  put in new, and much larger than heretofore, and the sewage of the lower floor will be materially improved.” Big changes for big problems.

This renovation extended to fixing other problems associated with the Tabor Opera House in the stage area. The “Leadville Daily Herald” reported, “Of the stage there will be a change for the better in regard to scenery, scene shifting and drop curtains. Those ridiculous hitches in scene shifting that have heretofore occurred on one or two occasions will no longer take place. An experienced stage man has been secured in the person of Mr. H. C. Sprague, who has had extensive experience in the east, and was in Leadville before, in the early days. All these improvements will take until about the first of September to execute. As soon as the house is in perfect order, say about the fourth of September, J. Rial’s Uncle Tom’s Cabin troupe will commence an engagement of three nights” (August 23, 1882).

Havens & Beman were contracted for the improvements, and the firm appointed J. T. Roberts as their superintendent. Remember that this is the half of the Roberts construction team that walked away mid-construction progress, leaving the project to L. E. Roberts.

By September 1, the “Leadville Daily Herald” described, “The ceiling has been elevated six inches in the center, thus giving it a slight arch. The plaster has all been removed there from and canvas will be substituted, both of which improvements will greatly improve the acoustic properties of the theatre. The roof has been raised three feet in the centre and materially strengthened with Howe trusses, while heavy timber braces and supports have been introduced in the stage which will make the house so secure that there can be no possibility of its ever taking a tumble unless it drops through the ground. The canvas ceiling is now being put in place and will be taken down and a few seats that remain on the stage will be put intact. Three new ventilators have been inserted in the ceiling and will aide very materially in keeping a large supply of air in the house at all times. While the work has been pushed in every particular and Mr. Roberts is to be thanked for the punctuality and correctness which he has displayed in the repairs. Had not Messrs. Havens & Beman known his ability and trustworthiness they would have never left such a responsible piece of work to his solo charge.”

The completed opera house improvements attracted a new class of production. The Abbott English Company performed “Chimes of Normandy”  and “King for a Day” that fall. The September 26, the “Amusements” section announced. “For the first time in the history of the carbonate camp, there was presented at the Tabor opera house last evening, a perfect representation of grand opera, not only in so far as the mis en scene was concerned, but also in regard to the caliber of the artists appearing on the stage (Leadville Daily Herald, page 1). But Tabor’s troubled did not end with the repairs and eventually extended to the Tabor Grand Opera House in Denver. This was before long before Tabor fell on hard times financially.

 On September 28, 1882, the “Fairplay Flume” reported, “Governor Tabor, while inspecting the improvements in the Tabor opera house, accidentally stepped through a trap on the stage, falling a distance of several feet. Happily, he was uninjured beyond a few slight bruises” (page 2). This is yet another indication of Tabor’s ignorance concerning the stage. It is understandable, as Tabor had no understanding of theatre beyond that of an audience member; he would not think to look down for open traps.

Structural issues carried over to his Denver venue. On February 24, 1883, newspapers reported “A rumor comes from Denver, Col., that the Tabor [Grand] Opera House is falling in. The bricks made in Denver are so porous that a nail can be readily driven into them. Hence, they are not suitable for buildings of the Tabor Opera House magnitude” (Lima Democrat, Lima, Ohio, 24 Feb 1883, page 5). To be continued…