Thomas G. Moses resigned
at Sosman & Landis on September 1, 1918 and began working for New York
Studios that fall. In 1919, he left the employ of David H. Hunt at New York
Studios and signed a new contract with the Chicago Studios. Even though Moses
was no longer affiliated with Sosman & Landis the company trudged on under
the management of Perry “Lester” Landis, son of the co-founder Perry Landis.
Much of the scenery credited to the studio in 1919, however, had been completed
under the direct supervision of Moses before his departure.
In 1919, Sosman & Landis studio was credited with the scenery for the DeKoven Opera Company’s production of “Robin Hood.” Ironically, the scenic art was still credited to the firm’s two founders Sosman and Landis. On May 19, 1919, the “Post Crescent” reported,
“APPLETON THEATRE. ‘Robin
Hood.’
Did you really ever see a
first class performance of the best COMIC OPERA any American Composer has
written? ROBIIN HOOD is worth seeing and hearing, for both is joy. The time you
remember as the 13th century and the locale is the Medieval City of
Nottingham in England where the ubiquitous ‘Sheriff’ is the ‘Pooh Bah’ of the
town. Here is where Ed Andres the veteran comedian shines. Later his activities
extend to Sherwood Forest, and his complicated drolleries seem never ending.
The scenic artists Sosman & Landis have achieved a remarkable piece of work
in both of these settings for the DeKoven Opera Company, the Central square of
Nottingham being a magnificent panorama of the middle ages and the forest scene
with its rustic beauties a vista of rare beauty. The choral effects, the clever
dances, the kaleidoscopic lighting, and the delightful ensembles which Mr.
DeKoven wove into his most successful opera form a cycle of entertainment which
those who witness at the Appleton Theatre next Monday May 17 will long remember”
(Appleton, Wisconsin, page 7).
In 1919, Thomas G. Moses wrote,
“The last of August, Alex DeBeers and I started for Utica, Illinois, from where
we struck into the Starved Rock country for a few days of sketching. We found it very good. This trip is also included in my travelogues.”
Unfortunately, the whereabouts of Moses’ travelogues remain a mystery.
Of the Starved Rock vacation area,
the “Chicago Tribune” reported, “A little more than a two-hours’ ride from
Chicago via Rock Island Lines, in comfortable steel coaches and parlor cars,
you reach the Starved Rock country, the new Illinois State Park. The wonderful natural
beauties of Starved Rock and many others in the vicinity, the numerous great
depressions or fern filled canyons that lie between and the beautiful Illinois
River have made this region a famous outing spot for thousands of nature
lovers. A more delightful spot for a day’s outing so conveniently accessible
and inexpensive is not to be found. Fast trains daily from La Salle Station and
Englewood Union Station. Drop in at our Travel Bureau, Adams and Dearborn Sts.,
Chicago, for a copy of folder on Starved Rock” (27 May 1915, page 4). By 1924,
a photograph of campers in Starved Rock country was included in the Chicago
Sunday Tribune (10 Oct. 1924, page 33). The caption stated, “Ottawa, Illinois,
gateway to the Starved Rock country, has provided one of the loveliest tourist havens
of the middle west in Allen park, the city’s free camp. Holidays this year have
packed the camp to its limit and throughout the season motorists from every
part of the country have enjoyed its hospitality.”
In regard to Moses’ traveling
companion Alex DeBeers, little is known. In fact, DeBeers was a new name for me
in the scenic art world.
Part of the problem with my
search for DeBeers is his last name; newspapers are filled with articles about
the DeBeers Consolidated Diamond Company. DeBeers also went by De Beers, so the
difficulty of the search increased tenfold. However, I was able to track down a
little information about this elusive artist. Here is what I discovered during
a pretty exhausting search.
In 1905 Alex DeBeers was painting
in Chicago at the Marlowe Theatre, located on S. Stewart Avenue and not far
from W. 63rd Street. The 1200-seat venue was also known as the
Marlowe Hippodrome. The “Suburbanite Economist” listed DeBeers as one of the
staff at the theater with an article reporting, “Very few in the audience know
it, and fewer appreciate the fact, that there are seventeen actors at the
Marlowe at every performance, whom the audience never see, and yet upon whose
ability, talent, skill and good management every presentation depends. I was
back behind with them this week, while one of their most credible works was
being presented, and the success of it was appreciated by every man of them
from the artist to the scene shifters, as much as Willis Hall or Maude Leone
smiled their due appreciation of the hearty applause that greeted them. Alex De
Beers, the artist, is one of the best in his line and his work speaks for
itself” (Nov. 3, 1905).
Other than Moses’ mention of
DeBeers in 1919, the next record I located of DeBeers is from the late 1920s. He
was still painting, and in 1928, Alex DeBeers was listed as a scenic artist in
the City Directory for Peoria, Illinois. At the time, he was residing at 514 N.
Madison Ave, but was not affiliated with any particular theater in Peoria.
By 1931, DeBeers was included in
an article about “The Masquerader” at English’s Opera House in Indianapolis,
Indiana. The article reported, “The several settings for ‘The Masquerader’ are
the work of Alex DeBeers. These are the first settings designed and painted
here by DeBeers, formerly with the Chicago Civic Opera Company. He is the
successor to Milo Denny.” Like many scenic artists during the Great Depression,
painters sought any type of employment beyond traditional theater; DeBeers started
working for the circus, primarily as a sign painter.
By 1935, DeBeers began painting
for the Russell Bros. Circus. In 1936, DeBeers was listed as the “Boss Painter”
for Russell Bros. Circus (The Billboard, May 2, 1936, page 41). Founded in 1928
by the husband and wife team Claude E. Webb and Pauline Russell Webb. The show
initially played fairs and carnivals in the Iowa, starting small with a pit
show that featured large snakes and other animals. An elephant was purchased,
and the circus gradually expanded to three rings. On April 9, 1938, Alex DeBeers
was mentioned as the “master painter,” back for his third season with the
circus. By 1937, the Russell Bros. Circus was touring as a 40-truck show with a
big top canvas. Interesting aside: It was the availability of trucks after WWI
that contributed to the rapid growth of truck shows for circuses, allowing
entire shows to be transported this way.
DeBeers stuck with this employer
for quite some time. On February 21, 1942, “The Billboard” reported, “Alex
DeBeers has the painting well ahead of schedule and is turning out some
beautiful jobs” (page 40). DeBeers was included in an article on the Russell
Bros. Circus. DeBeers was still with the circus in 1943. Alex DeBeers was
mentioned in the Feb. 27, 1943 issue of “Billboard” magazine (page 37). He was
listed as the artist for the Russell Bros. Circus under the direction of Jack
Joyce. The article reported, “Alex
DeBeers, artist, has a crew redecorating cages, wagons, ticket boxes and ring
curbs. New equipment is arriving at quarters to carry the new menagerie stock
recently acquired by Manager R. N. O’Hara.” That year, the circus played on the
West Coast. The Russell Circus then merged to become the Clyde Beatty-Russell
Bros. Circus. I think that this was when Russell left the circus, but his final
whereabouts remain unknown.
1944 is when the trail for
DeBeers ends. I have yet to locate any
death certificate, gravestone or obituary notice.
In 1919, Thomas G. Moses wrote, “Found
the new studio in good shape and we will be able to get a lot of work, as it is
so far ahead of the Peltz and Carson Studio.” This was written in July. Since September Moses had been looking for a
new studio on behalf of New York Studios. On September 1, 1918, he resigned as
president at Sosman & Landis and began working for the firm, but he only
lasted a year. This is not surprising as New York Studios was run by former
Sosman & Landis employee David H. Hunt. Hunt established New York Studios
as an eastern affiliate of Sosman & Landis in 1910. It wasn’t really a
regional branch; as Sosman & Landis had previously established regional
branches, such as Kansas City Scenic Co. run by Lem Graham.
New York Studios was different;
a separate entity that really seemed to take advantage of the Sosman &
Landis name, labor and resources, giving little in return. This always irked
Moses, so I have to wonder what caused Moses to quit and work for a man who he
really didn’t like at all. However, Hunt had lured Moses away from Sosman &
Landis before, but a long time before – 1894. This was when there was a lull in
business after the Columbian exposition; Sosman & Landis scenic artists
scrambled for any outside work after weekly wages were ridiculously reduced from
a drop in demand. Of his 1894 departure, Moses wrote, “Sosman and
Landis didn’t like my being with Hunt as they felt I was slipping away again,
which I did.”
From the fall of 1918 to the
summer of 1919 Moses spent much of his time looking for an acceptable studio,
finally renting the Peltz and Carsen space in Chicago on behalf of New York
Studios. Unfortunately, Moses only benefited from the new studio for little
over a month. By September 1919, Moses
wrote, “A new contract was entered into between the Chicago Studios and myself
for one year.” So, what happened?
That summer Moses wrote “Our
work kept up very good at the studio.” New York Studio projects include settings
for the Pittsburgh Shrine, Denver Shrine, Pittsburgh’s Albin Theatre Albin
Theatre. It all seemed to be going well until just after he went on a sketching
trip with Alex DeBeers.
It has taken me a while to
recognize something, a pattern in Moses’ career. Change for Moses always
occurred after spending an extended period of time with a close friend, a
fellow scenic artist, or his after painting a series of fine art piece. It
seems as though there was some type of conversation (whether inner dialogue or
chat with a colleague) that suggested work would be better elsewhere. Moses left
the employ of Sosman & Landis four times between 1880-1904. When he finally
returned in 1904, he lasted until 1918, but this was when he became vice-president
and then later president of the company. Right before each decision to leave
the company, Moses was working away from the main studio, possibly thinking
that there were greener pastures elsewhere, so I began to contemplate his
departures from Sosman & Landis in 1882, 1887, 1894, 1900 and 1918.
In 1882, Moses left Sosman &
Landis to partner with Lemuel L. Graham after spending a pleasant time with
Will Davis on a project in Richmond, Indiana. That year Moses wrote, “1882
found me just as restless to do something big, and I drifted along with the
regular work, until about May, when Graham’s season as the theatre closed. We got together and I quit the firm after
refusing a big salary – that is, for me.” He had been accepting outside work
and helping Graham with several projects before he tendered his resignation.
In 1887, Moses also left; this was after
he returned to his hometown to refurbish an old project. He had completed eight
years earlier. At the time, Moses wrote,
“My discontent with studio work got the upper hand and I quit on February 11th,
and joined Burridge, Moses and Louderback.”
In 1894, Moses struck out on his own for
two years. This occurred after a lull in work and spending time on his own art.
It was a constant stream of projects in the Sosman & Landis studio that
often prohibited Moses from doing any fine art; that was his true goal. In 1885
Moses wrote, “I was ambitious to do something besides [being] a scene painter,
to leave something besides a name, which is about all a scene painter leaves as
his scenic work is soon painted out.” I think it was really this desire that
prompted Moses to leave Sosman & Landis every time, hoping he would be able
to carve out a little time for his own painting. Any art that he produced for
Sosman & Landis was ephemeral and attributed to the studio, under names
that were not his.
Ironically, his work would become so
intertwined with Sosman & Landis, that he would eventually purchase the
name after the company liquidated in 1923. It has to have been hard, knowing
that his legacy would always be associated with a scenic firm that did not
include his own last name. Moses & Graham (1882-1883), Burridge Moses &
Louderback (1887-1888), Moses (1894-1896) and Moses & Hamilton (1901-1904)
were all very short lived, Sosman & Landis lasted for decades. The scenery
associated with his own firms disappeared long before Moses passed away. In
fact, much of what remains of Moses scenic art are installations delivered by Sosman
& Landis. Moses had no way of knowing that work painted for Masonic
theaters would far outlast his other commercial endeavors; forming historical
time capsules that are only now disappearing.
So, in 1919 Moses went on a
sketching trip with Alex DeBeers. He wrote, “The last of August, Alex DeBeers
and I started for Utica, Illinois, from where we struck into the Starved Rock
country for a few days of sketching. We
found it very good. This trip is also
included in my travelogues.” After his return to the new studio, Moses worked
on only one more protect then left New York Studios, writing, ““A new contract
was entered into between the Chicago Studios and myself for one year.” What was
discussed on that sketching trip?
I am taking stock today as it is my 51st birthday. Each year, I reflect upon my life, accomplishments and, most of all, past regrets. My biggest regret is not being a better advocate in the continued battle for civil rights.
My mother was the first person who made history come alive for me. She was just a few credits shy of getting her doctorate at the University of Minnesota when life and work interfered with further academic intentions. In the 1950s, she took every history class that the university offered and graduated top of her class. She taught history and social studies classes at local schools, even developing the Brooklyn Center curriculum. She also majored in math and is a phenomenal mathematician, but that is a separate story. I was fortunate to have someone, a personal tutor in a way, who provided deeper insight into historical events and made me want to learn more.
The schools that I attended (Forest Elementary, Hosterman Junior High, and Robbinsdale-Cooper High School) were fantastic; well-funded public schools in an inner ring suburb – District 281. However, there was not a lot of diversity. We may have been ten miles from downtown Minneapolis, but my classrooms were primarily filled white middle-class kids.
African American studies were a subset of American History. That is telling in itself, as it removes the history of slavery, placing it in a neat little envelope apart from the American history storyline of our great founding fathers. My classes covered the history and evils of slavery, but pretty much ended with the emancipation proclamation. Little else was said after that; a short note on Jim Crow laws and the civil rights movement. However, the civil rights movement, Korea, and Vietnam were never really explored in full, it was more of an overview.
It was not until college that I realized the massive gaps in my history education. After completing a course on Native American Studies, I was astounded at how little I knew beyond a few basic historical mile markers. Unfortunately for me, I never took any African American studies classes in college while I completed a BA, MA and PhD. This meant that the sum of my understanding about African American history was high school classes.
I had never heard about Juneteenth until this year. Feeling quite stupid, I asked my husband if he had ever heard of Juneteenth. He attended a very diverse public-school system in Delaware and also holds a doctorate. Like me, Juneteenth was something new to him. And then I asked my mom if she had ever heard of Juneteenth. No, she had not.
To put this in context, my mother and I are both historians. We each have a track record of academic excellence that resulted in various awards, membership in Phi Beta Kappa, and careers that focused on some type of American history. On a daily basis we continue to read and research about historic events online. As two progressives, white, and highly educated women, we should be the ones aware of Juneteenth; yet we did not.
For me, this explains a lot about the racial divide in America. If you are white, chances are you have not been adequately taught about the history of the African American community, Native Americans, or any other minority. If you are white, it may be easy to dismiss racial tensions, as you are completely unaware of the current obstacles that any person of color continues to face today. Your knowledge of American history is likely lacking. Then there are regional differences too, whether you learned history in the northern or southern United States. Was it the War of Northern Aggression or the Civil War? Same outcome, but different perspectives of the war, slavery and the future.
I am going to add on one more layer of institutionalized racism. As I was looking for a potential college scholarships and meeting with counselors in high school, the seeds of racism were further sowed in the back of my mind. This was the same for my husband in Delaware. We were both told that because we were white, our options were limited. This is in 1987. Both of our counselors went on to point out that if we were a black male or black female, we would have many more scholarship options; we just were part of the wrong demographic. In my white, lower-middle-class home, I was taught to not judge individuals on their race or religion. Yet, my counselor’s statement immediately made me resent those who were of color, because they were offered better scholarships. I put myself through college, paid my bills, and eventually received a few scholarships from the theatre department at the University of Minnesota. I survived, and continued on to graduate school. Now imagine if I were raised in a racist home and could not afford college, never went to college; scholarships were not an option.
This may be one of the many reasons why so many white Americans consider themselves oppressed and believe that minority groups are stealing their opportunities. You’ve got to be carefully taught.
In 1919, Thomas G. Moses
bought a car for the family. It was a new Elgin Six.
A “Chicago Daily Herald” advertisement
announced, “New Elgin Six. Ready for you now. You don’t have to wait for
after-the-war model and price if you want to buy a car now. The New Elgin Six
is a full year and a half ahead of the times. And it is here now, ready for
your critical examination. While the Elgin factories were making war trucks,
the Designing, Engineering and Executive Staffs prepared for peace. They
designed, tested, refined and perfected an entirely new automobile – new in
design from radiator to taillight – a car that retains the notable sturdiness
and light weight which won for the Elgin Six perfect scores and highest honors
in many grueling endurance and economy contests. The New Elgin Six has 38
improvements and refinements, everyone a worth-while inducement to the
purchaser. These new cars have been given the most strenuous and exacting trials
over more than 20,000 miles of all kinds of roads. You will find no other car
at the price equal to the New Elgin Six in Beauty, Performance, Durability,
Comfort or Economy. We welcome the careful inspection of expert motorists. The
more you know about a car, the more the New Elgin Six will appeal to you. Ask
for our ‘Inside Information’ circular” (March 28, 1919, page 14).
The list price for a New
Elgin Six was “$1485, f.o.b. factory” (The Dispatch, Moline, Illinois, 11 Aug
1919, page 6). $1485.00 in 1919 is the equivalent of $22,008.39 in 2020.
Other advertisements promised
that it was a better car because, “It is more beautiful, rides easier, performs
better, stands up longer, has a quicker pick-up, and goes farther on a gallon
of gas.” Advertisers stated, “We welcome comparison of the New Elgin Six with
any other car on the market selling for less than $2000. The keener your
knowledge of automobiles, the more thoroughly you will be convinced that the
New Elgin Six stands pre-eminent in the light six field. There is only one way
to judge the true value of a motor car, and that is to see it and ride in it
yourself. A visit to our salesroom is the first step towards genuine motor car
satisfaction.”
At the end of 1919, Thomas G.
Moses wrote, “We have all enjoyed the car, and while it is rather an expensive,
we felt that we deserve the pleasure that we derive from it.” On July 5, the Moses family took a trip in
their car to Sterling, Illinois, his hometown. Of the trip, Moses wrote, “Rupert
and family and the Madam and I started in our Elgin ‘Six’ for Sterling. Some trip.
I say we certainly had a fine time, arriving in Sterling about
noon. Put up at the celebrated Hotel
Galt and fared very well. We started
home on Sunday. Had a very good run
home, having a few little accidents.’
Later that summer, Moses wrote
of another car trip, “Rupert and I made several trips to Fox Lake where I made
a few sketches. It is very nice to make
the trip in a car, as we made it I three hours.
The roads were not any too good.”
It was wonderful that Moses
bought a car in 1919, but he was never drove the vehicle. It was his son Rupert
who became the family driver. Even in 1929, Moses wrote, “Rupert gave up three
days to drive our car all over Chicago and elsewhere.”
In 1919, Thomas G. Moses wrote, “The
Madam and I started for a river trip down into Alabama by way of St.
Louis. I have written this trip in
detail in my travelogues. It was a most
enjoyable trip, during which I made pencil sketches. We had a nice time in St. Louis at Kirke
Moses’ home, and at P. J. Toomey’s new home.”
Patrick Joseph Toomey was the
co-founder of Toomey & Volland, a main competitor to Sosman & Landis
during the early twentieth century. I have explored the life and career of
Toomey in past posts, but it is time to revisit this well-known scenic artist. Toomey
worked in many theaters across the country, especially those in St. Louis,
including, Pope’s, the Olympic, and the Century. At one time, he also painted for the
Knickerbocker Theatre in New York City.
In 1894, Toomey’s US Passport
application described him as 5’-7” tall, light brown hair, blue eyes, gold
rimmed spectacles, and a fair completion.
By 1896, the “St. Louis Post-Dispatch” featured Patrick J. Toomey, including a brief biography next to a portrait of him (St. Louis Post-Dispatch, 2 April 1896). The article reported, “Patrick J. Toomey was born in Limerick, Ireland in 1854 and came to St. Louis with his parents as an infant. He received his education at the Christian Brothers’ College and in the public schools. His first employment was in the retail grocery trade. After a few years he found this work uncongenial and apprenticed himself to scenic art under Mr. Thomas C. Noxon at Deagle’s Varieties. With his tutor, four years later, he formed the partnership of Noxon & Toomey, continuing in the same line ever since. In connection with Mr. Noxon, Mr. Toomey has been the scenic artist at the Olympic Theater and Grand Opera House for over twenty years. In 1886, he married Miss May Vogt, a daughter of Dr. Wm. Vogt of Iowa City, Iowa.”
Thomas
Toomey and Ellen Kane were Irish immigrants who arrived in America sometime between
1850 and 1854. A 1920 census record notes that the Toomeys arrived in the
United States in 1854 and Patrick became a naturalized citizen by 1904. Patrick
Toomey’s US Passport application from 1894 lists that he was born on Nov. 27,
1854, emigrated to the United States in 1855, was naturalized on March 8, 1894.
There is quite a bit of discrepancy regarding Toomey’s year of birth, year of
emigration, and year of naturalization, as historical records provide
conflicting information. A 1900 census lists his being born in February 1853,
whereas a 1910 census, notes his birth year as 1848; the 1910 census notes his
age as 62 at the time. The 1910 census also lists his year of immigration as
1850. On the other hand, a 1922 obituary reports his birth year as 1851, so take
your pick. Regardless, Toomey left Ireland with his parents when he was just extremely
young and grew up in St. Louis, Missouri.
After
apprenticing with Noxon at Deagles’ Variety Theatre in St. Louis, Noxon and
Toomey established a scenic studio around 1867, this also supports a birthyear
of 1848-1851, not much later. Noxon was the firm’s president and senior partner
in the company. Ernest Albert
joined the scenic studio by 1881 and the firm’s name changed to Noxon, Albert
& Toomey by 1883. At this time Toomey was reported to be “the
itinerant member of the firm” (“Richmond Dispatch,” 24 Jan 1886, page 3).
1886
Johnson County records indicate that P. J. Toomey married Mary Isabelle Vogt in
Iowa City on Oct. 5. The daughter of William Vogt and Mary O’Connor born on
Dec. 20, 1859, she was 27 years old at the time. Toomey’s age at the time was
also recorded as 35 years old, placing his possible birthdate, again, as
1851-1852. The couple celebrated the birth of one child, Thomas Noxon Toomey.
Born in 1893, he entered the medical field, becoming a who a doctor. All three
were picture in a postcard mailed to Thomas G. Moses in 1908.
The
projects completed by Noxon, Albert & Toomey dramatically increased during
the 1880s and lasted for almost a decade, establishing regional branches in
Chicago, Illinois and Cedar Rapids, Iowa. In Chicago, Noxon, Albert &
Toomey used the paint frames at the Chicago Opera House, with Albert leading the
scenic production for the Chicago Opera House. This is likely when Moses and
Toomey first encountered one another. At this time, Toomey traveled throughout the
country, but still kept his home residence in St. Louis.
In 1889,
Albert left the studio and then name changed, again, to Noxon & Toomey.
Their partnership continued until 1898 when Noxon passed away from Nephritis.
At the time, Toomey was quoted as saying, “Mr. Noxon was the greatest scenic
artist this country has produced. He was 69 years of age and had done work for
the leading theaters of the country, besides what he did in way of pageantry.
(“The Weekly Wisconsin, 25 June 1898, page 4).
By 1901, Toomey established his final business – Toomey &
Volland. His began a new business venture
with another scenic artist, one who had previously worked at Noxon & Toomey
– Hugo R. Volland. Volland emigrated from Grossbremback, Germany, during the
late 19th century, and soon found work as the secretary of Noxon
& Toomey.
Toomey
passed away from a heart attack in 1922. On March 15, 1922, the “St. Louis Globe-Democrat”
reported: “TOOMEY – Suddenly, on Sunday, March 12, 1922 at 9:30 a.m., P. J.
Toomey, beloved husband of Mary Vogt Toomey, father of Dr. Noxon Toomey.
Funeral will take place from the family residence, 11 Aberdeen place,
Hillcrest, on Wednesday morning, March 15, at 8:30 o’clock, to our Lady of
Lourdes Church Interment in Calvary Cemetery. Deceased was a charter member of
St. Louis Lodge, B.P.O.E.”
The “St. Louis Post-Dispatch” reported that Toomey was “one
of the pioneer scenic painters of St. Louis” (St. Louis Post-Dispatch, 13 March
1922, page 14). The article added that Toomey was best known, for his creation
of the first floats for the Veiled Prophet’s parade and continued this sort of
work for 25 years, only giving it up shortly before his death. He achieved fame as an electrical float
builder,” known for his work at the Mardi Gras parade in New Orleans and the
Milwaukee Carnival (“Wichita Daily Eagle,” 13 July 1900, page 6).
In 1919, Thomas G. Moses wrote,
“The Madam and I started for a river trip down into Alabama by way of St.
Louis. I have written this trip in
detail in my travelogues. It was a most
enjoyable trip, during which I made pencil sketches. We had a nice time in St. Louis at Kirke
Moses’ home, and at P. J. Toomey’s new home…Brother Kirke and family paid us a
visit in July, driving up from St. Louis.”
Previously this year I was contacted by a descendent of
Kirke Moses who wrote, “Thank you for this. Thomas Gibbs Moses was my Great
Uncle. His brother Kirke White Moses was my Great Grandfather whose daughter
was my beloved Grandma, Ruth Moses McNulty! Our family still has a few
paintings from Thomas Gibbs Moses and his brother, Walter Farrington Moses!
Periodically, I search for information on my ancestors and I was happy to find
this. Thanks again.”
My first thought was, “Who is Kirke?” I never stopped to consider the children born
after the death of Moses’ mother, as I have remained so focused on his career.
Moses’ father re-married. and I knew very little of the second family; never
really looking for more familial information.
Of the first family, Moses wrote, “Father and Mother had a
family of seven children. Kate, the
eldest, was accidentally killed at sea.
Lucius was the first boy and died at sea. Sister Lucia was born in Halifax, Nova
Scotia, July 23rd, 1853. I was the third
child. Frank was born in 1858. Illie was born in Sterling, Illinois,
December 25th, 1860. Little
Kate (named for the first child) born in Sterling; died shortly after my
mother’s death in 1862… It was here [Sterling] that mother passed away and left
four children for Father to bring up. I
remember every detail and incident of her death. I can see each dear friend of Mother’s
grouped about. I crawled upon the bed to
kiss her good-bye. One of her last
bequests was to give her watch to “Tommy,” which I received after I had passed
middle age. Among the many little keepsakes of Mother’s, I have a drawing book that
she used in school in 1835. The pencil
drawings show considerable talent. If
she had only lived, what a wonderful Art companion I would have had.” His mother
was Mary W. Titcomb Moses.
Moses later wrote, “One housekeeper we had was Mary
Planthofer. She was awfully good to me –
almost like a real Mother. She saved me
a good many whippings. She remained with
us after our new Mother arrived…When the new Mother took charge of affairs,
there were many radical changes made.
Many of them made my young life a burden, and had a strong influence on
my whole life, and also kept my nose to the grindstone.” Not much of his new mother was recorded,
including a name. Moses’ only description of her at all was when he wrote, “A
good novel had a great deal of interest for my new Mother, much more that our
garden, so why should we worry when the garden went wild. It was even more artistic.” His second mother
was Adeline Gowen, sometimes spelled Adaline.
About the time that Kirke was born, Moses’ life at home was
quite miserable and all he wanted to do was become and artist in Chicago. By
the time When Kirke was just a toddler, Moses wrote, “My wild career as an
Artist started in April. Father would
not help me, so I started for Chicago with 10¢ in my pocket and a new pair of boots, red
leather tops and copper toes; some heavy clothes and a lot of pluck.” Upon
arriving in Chicago, he immediately started working for the decorative firm ran
by P. M. Almini. From this point onward, Moses’ career took off, and there is
little said of his family.
Although both Moses and his sister Illie worked in the
theatre Industry, little is mentioned of their relationship. Moses seems to
have remained closest with his brother Frank Demming Moses. This is
understandable as Moses’ eldest son Pitt went to work with Frank in the gas
industry, so the family remained quite close over the years. Kirke ended up in
St. Louis, Missouri as a contractor.
On April 4, 1929, Kirke E. Moses was featured in the “St.
Louis Star” (page 24). The article announced, “Kirke Moses to Build Residences
in Ivanhoe Park….Associated with the building industry for over twenty years,
Moses has built more than 600 fine residences in various parts of the city. The
son of a Chicago contractor, he began building and construction work shortly
before the World’s Fair. Before coming to St. Louis he gained distinction in
the field of building through his work in construction of the University of
Texas buildings at Galveston and the Illinois Central car shops at Memphis. One
of his first commissions in St. Louis was the reconstruction of the Philippine
Building at the World’s Fair. Since that time, he has confined his activities
to the building of fine homes. It was thoroughly in line with the policy of the
St. Louis Better Built Homes Movement, that he was selected to build these
model homes. The executive committee realized the importance of selecting a
reputable builder. It is well known regardless of the fine materials used no
home can be well built if poor construction methods are employed. The fact that
his record as home builder was beyond reproach led to Moses’ selection.”
Newspaper articles are seldom 100% correct, so you have to
take what they say with a grain of salt. I have never encountered any mention
that Lucius Moses was not a contractor, other than the article above. He was initially
a sea captain who moved inland and established a tannery in Sterling, Illinois.
Lucius Moses’ occupation was listed as a harness maker. After Lucius Moses moved
to Chicago, Moses recorded that his father ran a grocery store. That being
said, I haven’t really looked to see if he was ever listed as a Chicago
contractor.
The other interesting bit of information I encountered was on
Kirke Moses’ marriage certificate. He listed his occupation as “painter.”
In 1919, Thomas G. Moses wrote, “A
large curtain for the Alvin Theatre, Pittsburg, gave me a good opportunity to
display my knowledge of deep woods again.”
Moses delivered the original stock scenery collection for the same venue
in 1891.
In early September of 1891, Moses and Ed Loitz left Sosman &
Landis’s main studio in Chicago, bound for Pittsburg. Their goal was to furnish
all of the new scenery Alvin Theatre in the next two months. They completed the project on November 10,
1891.
The Alvin Theatre was owned by the actor named Charles L. Davis. Davis
had made his fortune as a character actor, playing a New England rural farmer named
“Alvin Joslin.” He originated in the 1860s and became quite popular.
Charles Lindsay Davis was born in 1848. At the time, his
parents were touring with a theatre production. Davis entered the theatrical
profession by the age of five and continued performing until 1889, when he
retired to build the Alvin Theatre. After spending $225,000 on the endeavor,
the Alvin Theatre was considered one of the finest theatrical house in America
at the time. Moses
described Davis in his memoirs: “He carried a band furnished with the best and
most expensive instruments. He wore some
fine diamonds. His vest buttons had
diamonds in them. A $7000.00 watch was a
novelty. He had a body-guard who was close to seven feet tall, while he was
only five feet there. On day in
Cincinnati while dining, his body guard approached him, begged his pardon for
being late, and counted out to Davis thirty $1000.00 bills, and apologized for
not being able to get the balance. The table was filled with traveling men and
as they opened their eyes at $30,000.00, Davis coolly put it in his vest
pocket. As soon as the meal was over, he
slipped the money back to his bodyguard who got it back to the bank where he
had borrowed it for an hour. Of course,
on good security. Just a little
advertising. Everyone talked about
it. He had many little stunts like
that.”
Davis passed away in 1900 at the relatively young age of 52 from
complications that arose after a suffering from a severe attack of pneumonia.
The “Pittsburgh Post-Gazette” announced “Charles L. Davis will be sadly missed
and not alone at his home, for he was known all over the country and had hosts
of warn friends. Pittsburghers have every reason to remember him with gratitude.
He was instrumental in adding to the city’s attraction a place of amusement,
and which remains an appropriate monument to his memory” (2 March 1900, page
4). The Alvin Theater was purchased in 1900 by Benjamin Keith. Keith rented the
space to who began renting to Harry Davis. By 1905, the two expanded their
partnership to include Pittsburgh’s Grand Opera House.
Little is known of the scenery delivered to the Alvin Theatre
either in1891 or 1919. The technical information for the stage, however, was
included in numerous Julius Cahn’s Official Theatrical Guides, beginning in 1896.
The theater was located on the first floor and the proscenium measured 36 feet
wide by 45 feet high, a sizable opening. It was 48 feet from the footlights to
the back wall and 78 feet between the side walls. The distance between the fly
girders was 50 feet, with 63 feet from the stage to the rigging loft. There
were grooves for painted wings that could be taken up flush with the fly
gallery and six traps in the stage floor. By 1901, the stage area appears to
have been enlarged from 78 feet to 90 feet between sidewalls. All other
technical specifications remain constant.
When Moses delivered the woods scene to the Alvin Theatre in 1919,
he must have been flooded with memories from his first trip to the space. In
1891, his career was in the midst of shooting upwards. Business was booming and
there was a long line of projects on the horizon. By 1919, it was almost thirty
years after Moses first visited the Alvin Theatre. The world of theater was changing
and there was no longer an endless demand of painted scenery. Although Moses
noted the project offered an opportunity to display his knowledge of the deep
woods again, it was a bittersweet moment.
In 1919 Thomas G. Moses wrote, “Met
Mrs. Coleman and Mrs. Carpenter regarding a big show in November at the
Coliseum. They want to do the Atlantic
City board-walk. I have it in mind and
will start early on models. … The latter part of October I went to Atlantic
City to meet Mrs. Carpenter, where I made sketches for the big show.”
Mrs. Joseph G. Coleman was in
charge of the charity event at the Chicago Coliseum for the benefit of the
Passavant Memorial hospital building fund. On Dec. 6, 1919, Chicago’s coliseum
was converted into Atlantic City’s sea front, with piers and dashing waves on
one side and a row of shops on the other. The board walk included push chairs,
fortune tellers, cafés, cabarets, and shops. The idea was evolved by Mrs. John
Alden Carpenter and was put into execution by Mrs. Joseph G. Coleman (Chicago Tribune,
9 Nov. 1919, page 91).
Of the design, the “Chicago
Tribune” reported, “The greatest scenic effect, of course, is to be the shore
and the sea, as designed by Mrs. John Alden Carpenter, distinguished colorist.
Though a blizzard may whistle without, youngsters at the boardwalk can dig on
the bright beach and the 210×50 foot canvas will tempt those fond of a dip.”
(30 Nov. 1919, page 11).
In anticipation of the event, the “Chicago
Tribune” reported, “Even if it is a week of dismal weather Chicago need not
complain. For Saturday at 1 p.m. the Coliseum will be ready to shelter the
frozen or soaked amusement seekers to the Atlantic City Board Walk. There,
under a summer moon, by a brilliant sea with every melody and summer gayety,
winter will be defied by the Passavant hospital, which has been arranged by
society women under direction of Mrs. Joseph G. Coleman. The project, which is
to be the most pretentious ever attempted is a reproduction of Atlantic City on
midsummer night. The famous board walk will welcome strollers, the gay beach
parasols will afford tete-a-tete retreats, the ‘prams,’ pushed by society men
disguised as darkies, will give a new thrill to those who have tired of taxis.
And even the most fagged fancy will find a new delight in the thirty-two shops,
where society’s leaders will preside over the most fashionable and wealthy
array of shop girl talent ever gathered under one moonlit sky” (30 Nov. 1919,
page 11).
On Nov. 28, 1919, the “Chicago
Tribune” included an article on the event entitled “Hospital to be Aided” (page
5): “Incense burners, Chinese slipper, beads, mandarin coats, rare ivories,
embroidered panels, prints – everything Chinese, is being unpacked and
inventories by Mrs. Marshall Field III. And her assistants in preparation for
the opening of the Chinese shop on the Atlantic City Boardwalk at the Coliseum,
where about thirty little shops will flash into life Saturday, Dec. 6, for the
benefit of the Passavant Memorial hospital building fund. Most of Mrs. Field’s
Chinese wares were assembled in San Francisco by Mrs. Willard, who is now the
guest of Mrs. Joseph G. Coleman, in charge of the bazaar. Mrs. Down spent six
weeks shopping every day in San Francisco’s Chinatown, and found some wonderful
bargains, it is declared.”
But in the middle of the Coliseum
project, Moses encountered an obstacle. He wrote, “We have lost John Hanny and
Otto Schroader, our two best men. They
do not want to stay with Hunt. He is
such an awful fault finder.” The two would be part of a group that later formed
Service Studios, another Chicago scenic studio.
In 1919, Moses also wrote, “Larson
quit us on October 24th, and Hunt insisted on my doing everything,
so I took hold and closed the Atlantic City job for $14,000.00 for a starter….a
whole month was taken up with the Atlantic City board-walk work, had to put on
quite a force. Everything worked out
fine. I used some good common sense in
finishing the Coliseum job and putting it up was no trouble of any kind. Instead of it costing is $1,500.00 to install,
we did it for $400.00. We made a good profit,
as we had $1,500.00 in extras. The show
made a profit of $85,000.00 in ten days.” The Coliseum show remained a
highlight for Moses during 1919. At the end of the year, he reminisced, “While
we have been very busy the whole year, we have not done any very notable
productions, excepting the Coliseum shows and Denver.”
For a man whose entire career
was tied to the newest, biggest and best productions, Moses was witnessing the
decline of his career. He would still complete large projects until his passing
in 1934, but they would never carry the same momentum as when he was first at
Sosman & Landis.
In the fall of 1919 Thomas G.
Moses wrote, “September found us all tied up with the big electrical show for
the Coliseum. We have to rent the
Alhambra stage and put Mr. Warren over there with a crew. I did two large drops, both on the Chinese
order. They were 38’ high and 125’
long. I had some work, but they proved
to be very effective.”
The Electrical Show, was actually
the Electrical Trades Exposition. The “Chicago Tribune” reported that it was “a
veritable exposition of the progress recently made in the adaptation of
electricity for light, heat and power” (9 Oct. 1919, page 7). The event at the
Coliseum included a Chinese village that housed exhibitors. The “Decatur Daily
Review” reported, “A Chinese design will be employed throughout, a pagoda rising
60 feet in the center of the hall and decorated with stained glass and 18,000 ‘Novagem’
jewels and Chinese lanterns, all brilliantly illuminated, being panned. The
decorations of the tower will be similar to those of the ‘Tower of Jewels’ at
the Pan-American Exposition at San Francisco” (28 Sept. 1919, page 5). The
elaborate decorative theme expenditure as estimated at $40,000 to $50,000.
The Electrical show at the
Coliseum ran from October 11-25, with an estimated five thousand electrical
dealers and contractors attending the Saturday night opening. Newspapers across
the country announced, “For the first time in nearly eight years the public in
Chicago will have an opportunity to witness the great strides made in the
electrical world” (Wilkes-Barre Times Leader, The Evening News, 19 Sept.1919,
page 18). The last electric show had been held in 1911. Articles noted, “Household
labor saving machinery is coming rapidly into common use, according to the
exposition management, and electricity is doing much to solve great servant
problem. Displays will include cooking apparatus of all kinds, electric stoves,
electric heating equipment, vacuum cleaners, refrigerating machinery, motors
for sewing machines, electrically operated machines for washing and ironing,
and electric fans for cooling and ventilating” (Decatur Daily Review, 28 Sept.
1919, page 5). There were electric potato peelers and electric trucks for
carrying food. Electric cooking was also a hot topic with manufacturers suggesting
that there was less shrinkage of food with electric cooking that with any other
cooking process. The “Decatur Review” reported, “There is every domestic reason
in favor of electric cooking – better food, greater cleanliness, less work and
more comfort – no ashes, no smoke, no dust” (28 Sept. 1919, page 5). As there
had just been a great coal shortage, electric ranges were intended to save fuel,
as well as time. At the time, the average family consumed 800 pounds of coal
for cooking, whereas the central electrical station only required 262.5 pounds
of coal monthly in order to supply the same family with ample cooking current.
The exposition included many
devices beyond those that would assist housewives and domestic help. Incandescent
lights were manufactured on site and before the eyes of visitors. Other featured exhibits included high powered
search lights, wireless telephones, and a self-printing telegraph apparatus. There
was also a focus on military advancements, such as electrical furnaces for
making the high-grade steel necessary for long range cannons. A working model
of the battleship New Mexico was also on display; at the time, the United States’
newest and largest dreadnaught propelled by electricity. Electric scrapers and
brushes for cleaning warship hulls were also on display. Formerly the task took
between 170 to 200 man-days to clean an 18,000-ton battleship, with electrically
driven machines, the cleaning of the ship now took only twelve hours.
A Commonwealth Edison Co.
advertisement announced, “Manufacturers especially will be interested in our
Industrial Lighting Exhibit. A typical machine floor, inadequately lighted, the
machines driven by overhead line shafts, pulleys, belting. Etc., is contrasted
with an installation of modern lighting and direct motor-driven machines. The
modernized factory will be exhibited in actual operation – manufacturing
souvenirs for distribution to visitors. Increased production, improved quality,
safety, economy of operation and contentment of employees – all these are
directly and intimately associated with modern lighting.”
The biggest hit of the show was
the wireless phone. On Oct. 13, 1919, the “Chicago Tribune” reported, “Wireless
Phone Stirs Crowd at Electric Show” (page 3). The article continued, “What was
declared one of the greatest feats of electrical science was demonstrated
yesterday at the electrical show in the Coliseum. A tune whistles into a
wireless telephone operated there was heard clearly by other operators in
Ludington, Mich., and Milwaukee. The stations at these two cities have
apparatus capable of receiving messages but are not able to send. The operator
at the Coliseum talked to the two stations during the entire afternoon and
answered his questions by wireless telegraphy, advising him whether or not they
were hearing him clearly. At the radio station in the Transportation building.
Lieut. Wells also talked to Capt. C. C. O’Leary at the Coliseum. The
demonstrations are being conducted in conjunction with a recruiting campaign
for the signal corps. An army plane is being made ready to make flights with
wireless phone set and beginning Tuesday visitors at the show will hear talks
from the airplane.”