Thomas G. Moses was working in Tacoma, Washington, by mid-March 1922. He had formed many friends in the area, including a group of contractors known as the Signcraft.
Moses wrote, “I met five members of the Signcraft, and we met every Wednesday at the Olympus Restaurant, where, with a fine luncheon we passed away an hour very nicely. The five contractors were, Cliff, Jedlick, Kanabe, Browning and Sharpe. On receipt of a wire informing me of the fire near our studio, I took five small watercolors to the luncheon, and started a stunt with “Boys, you know of the fire in Chicago, which has nearly put us out of business. I have got to raise some money. I don’t want to borrow money on such a short acquaintance, so I have brought over five small watercolors which I want you to buy.” The price was asked, and I said, “While I need money very badly, I will make a sacrifice of the pictures, I want five cents apiece.” The boys saw I was getting a little out of it, and a handful of silver was on the table. I picked out a quarter and handed it to the waiter telling him that this was his commission. The boys then drew numbers from a hat for their selection of pictures and in a few days they were all framed.”
The Clinton Street fire made headlines in the “Chicago Tribune.”
The main studio for Sosman & Landis was located at 417-419 S. Clinton Street.
On March 15, 1922, the “Chicago Tribune” announced, “A four-story building from 401-13 South Clinton street caught fire at 3:30 this morning, bursting into flames from a dozen points. The building is occupied by the Poster Advertising company and about fifteen other minor concerns.”
The article continued, “Fire between 1 and 3 o’clock this morning wiped out the entire block of buildings in the square surrounded by Jackson boulevard, Van Buren street and Canal and Clinton streets. It swept across Clinton street and practically destroyed the Burlington railway’s twenty-one story office building. It paralyzed elevated and streetcar traffic in the vicinity, and caused the death of one fireman. Many bystanders suffered minor hurts from falling debris. The loss, according to early estimates by the fire chief, will exceed $10,000,000. Fire Attorney High makes the loss from $10,000,000 to $15,000,000. Among the structures destroyed by the fire, aside from the ‘fireproof’ Burlington skyscraper, were the Atlantic and Austin buildings, extending from 300 to 318 South Canal street. These two buildings were the most valuable property in the square which was the principal scene of the fire…Insufficiency of water supply prevented the work of more than a score of fire companies in holding the flames to their original source, though almost the entire department was called out.” The Austin Building was at 307 South Clinton Street.
Later newspaper reports described, “Thomas Galvin, watchman for the Austin building, discovered the fire. He said it started in the Art Shade works at 312 Clinton Street and quickly spread to the Austin building.” Regardless of where the fire originated, the damage was perilously close to the scenic studio, and caused work delays.
A list of damaged and destroyed businesses was published in the Chicago Tribune; Sosman & Landis was not included in the list. Businesses near the damaged area took out ads in the newspaper, announcing that their companies were “Not affected by Fire” (Chicago Tribune, 17 March 1922, page 4). This certainly indicates the extent of the damage.
Unbelievably, a second fire swept through the same area only two weeks later. It destroyed the three upper floors of an eight-story building at 128 South Clinton street (Chicago Tribune, 31 March 1922, page 6). This was only two blocks away from where the earlier fire occurred that month.
In 1921 Thomas G. Moses wrote, “Got an electric train for Woodland and spent a day with Mr. Stuart Webster, manager of the Strand Theatre Company. Went back to San Francisco and returned to Woodland where I failed to close, so I hustled on to Willows, putting in a day with Jacobs. Had to get out of Willows at 4:00 A.M. – some job.”
1916 postcard of Willows, CaliforniaCity map of Willows, California
At sixty-five years old, Moses’ life had not slowed down one bit. He had previously worked with Webster on other Strand Theatres across the country, so the failure to close this particular contract must have been disappointing, to say the least. Moses then returned to work on an existing contract in Willows, California. The Willows project was one partnered with Edwin H. Flagg Studios. Throughout 1921-1922 Moses continually traveled to California and worked in Flagg’s shops. Charles M. Jacobs was the vice-president of the Edwin H. Flagg Studio in 1921.
Jacobs forms an interestingly link between Illinois scenic artists and those who moved to California during the early twentieth century. He is also one of many scenic artists who also worked as both a photographer, as well as working in the early film industry. A fascinating individual in his own right.
Charles M. Jacobs was born on July 3, 1865, in Macomb, Illinois; Macomb is the county seat of McDonough County. Years later, a census report would list that the highest level of education Charles received in Macomb was 8th grade; an impressive achievement at that time.
Interestingly, Joseph Sosman moved to Macomb after the Civil War, first working as a scenic artist in the 1870s there. To put this in perspective, Sosman worked as a painter in Macomb by the late 1860s. One of his earliest projects was painting scenery for the opera house with T. B. Harrison, a Chicago scenic artist. Sosman remained in town after that, working as a scenic artist, a sign painter and decorator. He also traveled as an itinerant artist, painting scenery for a number of other opera houses in the region. Even after establishing Sosman & Landis, Sosman still listed Macomb as his home in the 1880 U. S. Federal Census, living with his parents. By 1882, “Joe” Sosman’s success as a founder of a major scenic studio was heralded in the “Macomb Daily Journal.” The article reported, “Nearly all the county readers of the Journal know ‘Joe’ Sosman, and that he is in Chicago in the scenery-painting business, but few, if any, are aware of the prominence of the firm of which he is the senior partner.” Macomb was a small town, with a population that grew from 2,700 in 1870 to 3,100 by 1880. When the Macomb newspaper article described Sosman’s success, Charles Jacobs was only seventeen. However, most scenic artists entered the profession between sixteen and seventeen years old. Although Charles worked as a scenic artist, his profession was primarily listed in city directories as that of a photographer.
Charles was the son of Mark F. Jacobs (1837-1910) and Mary M. Tucker (1833-1909). Mark worked as a carpenter while Mary worked at a local Millinery store. The family was wealthy enough to employ domestic servants from 1870 onward. In 1880, Ida Laughlin, who cooked for the family, was listed in such a role.
Charles grew up in Macomb with a younger brother, Walter (b. October 30, 1867). Sadly, Walter passed away on April 3, 1888 at the age of twenty years old, only a few months after his older brother married.
On December 31, 1888, Charles M. Jacobs applied for a license to marry Fannie Estelle Ayars in Davis County, Kansas. On January 1, 1889, the couple was married in Junction City, Kansas, by William D. Christian. By January 5, 1889, the “Junction City Weekly” included an announcement about “The Ayars-Jacobs Wedding.” The marriage did not last long, with both Charles and Fannie remarrying. In 1905, Fannie married vaudeville actor William “Billy” Rabbie. The two performed in a vaudeville act, Tragically, Fannie committed suicide in 1920 while her husband was away performing.
Charles also remarried shortly after his divorce from Fannie. On April 4, 1894, he married Jenia Shriner (b. July 1866) and the two celebrated the birth of two daughters, Myla (b. Feb. 1895), Pearl (b. May 1897). Charles and Jenia’s marriage certificate lists McDonough Country, Illinois, suggesting that the two met in Macomb.
Here is where it becomes interesting: Edwin H. Flagg also married his first wife, Harriet Myrtle Shriner (1878-1976) in McDonough Country on Jan 11, 1899. Flagg soon moved west, eventually settling in California by 1903. In California, he established two scenic studios, one in San Francisco and the other in Los Angles. It was in California that Flagg hired Jacobs, with Jacobs becoming vice-president of Flagg Studios by 1921. It is too coincidental for there not to be some relation by marriage.
Charles’ wife Jenia Shriner was the daughter of Levi H. Shriner (b. 1838-1915) and Harriet E. Collins Shriner (1843-1917). Born in Indiana, Levi moved to Illinois and worked as farmer in McDonough County, likely just outside of Macomb. The couple were married on Dec. 27, 1864 and celebrated the birth of three daughters: Junia A. (b. 1866), Mary P. (b. 1871), Myrtle (b. 1879). Jenia’s parents were buried in Macomb’s Oakwood Cemetery.
In 1900, Charles, Jenia and their two daughters were living at 322 South Campbell in Macomb, where Jacobs worked as a photographer. He was still working as a photographer in 1910, but now the small family was living at 326 West Adams Street; a move up in residences. Although Jacobs listed “photography” as his occupation in 1910, his work was now for the “studio” industry; a departure from previous records.
Sometime between 1910 and 1914 the Jacobs family move to California. By 1915, Charles M. Jacobs, 1915, living at 255 S. Normandale in Los Angeles. A real estate transaction noted in the “Los Angeles Times” reported that Charles M. Jacobs purchased an eight-bedroom house on the west side of Normandie avenue between Third and Fourth streets for $5,000 (17 Dec. 1911, page 94). After his move to California, Jacobs worked as a scenic artist, listing himself that way in the city directory. The 1920 Census listed that Jacobs worked as a scenic artist for a scenic company that year. The 1921 Los Angeles City Directory listed “Chas. M. Jacobs, v-pres Edwin H. Flagg Scenic Co. h. 255 S. Normandie av.” He was still at his previous residence, but now actively managing Flagg Studios. In 1921, both Charles and his wife have separate listings in the Los Angeles Directory, yet each is still living at 255 S. Normandie avenue.
Between 1923 and 1924 both of Flagg’s studios burn down, leaving Jacobs in a lurch concerning future employment as Flagg attempted to rebuild his business.
After the fire the family moved to 15119 Dickens Street. By 1926, Jacobs is solely listed as “artist” in the San Fernando City Directory, with no specific affiliation to any studio. He was also listed in the 1937 Van Nuys Directory; both listings with the same address. Jacobs continued to live on Dickens Street for the remainder of his life. However, 1930 US Federal Census listed Jacobs as a carpenter, working for the “theatrical studio” industry. This temporary shift was likely due to the economic downturn after the market crash in 1929. By 1940 the US Census listed Jacobs as a retired artist, still at 15119 Dickens. Jacobs was listed as “retired artist.”
Charles M. Jacobs died on July 20, 1945, in Los Angeles, California. His passing received little fanfare, with his obituary simply announcing:
“JACOBS – At home, July 20. Charles M. Jacobs, 80, of 15119 Dickens St., Sherman Oaks. Graveside services will be directed by Praisewater Mortuary , Monday at 2 p.m. at Inglewood Cemetery. Leaves his widow, Mrs. Junia; and two daughters, Mrs. Myla E. Friend, of Sherman Oaks; and Mrs. Gwen Van Winkle, of Hollywood.”
In 1921 Thomas G. Moses worked at Flagg’s studio in Los Angeles, California. Sosman & Landis rented the paint frames for Moses to finish a large project for an upcoming event.
From Flagg, the “Los Angeles Evening Express,” Feb 19, 1921, page 75.
Sosman & Landis was nearing the end of its existence by 1921. Even though Moses would soon purchase the firm’s name, it would never regain its former glory as a nationwide leader in theatrical manufacturing and supply. Sosman & Landis competitors continued to win projects by underbidding the Chicago firm; one project after another. The studio’s position as one of the largest scenic studios in the United States was rapidly slipping. By 1920 six employees left to start Service Studios, taking with them knowledge regarding the strengths and weaknesses of their former employer. In addition to their departure, many other scenic studios were run by former Sosman & Landis employees. Competitors used their intimate knowledge of Sosman & Landis to their advantage. All the while, Moses kept plugging along, hoping for a resurgence of work and continuing to set his sights on large Masonic contracts. He bet on the wrong horse.
Meanwhile, Moses still had to rely upon an existing network of scenic artists and studios. There is always an interesting balance between maintaining business alliances and being taken advantage of by your competitors. Such was the case between Sosman & Landis and Flagg Studios in 1921.
Edwin H. Flagg pictured in the “Los Angeles Evening Post-Record,” on Mar 12, 1919.
Edwin H. Flagg ran two scenic studios; one in Los Angeles and the other in San Francisco. In 1921 the firm advertised that “90% of all stage equipment on the coast was provided by their studio” (“Los Angeles Post-Record,” 10 August 1921, page 16). They marketed themselves as the largest scenic studio west of Chicago.
The theatre industry is fickle, often forgetting its visionaries or innovators associated with what may be perceived as passing fancies. Unless scenic artists or leading studios were written about in history books, they disappeared; future generations never even learned of their existence. The life and career of great individuals were lost as time passed, erased from all institutional knowledge. Such was the case with Edwin Harvey Flagg (1878-1927).
Flagg was at the top of his career when Moses rented his paint frames in 1921. At the age of forty-three years old, he was a theatre producer, movie producer, designer and artist, running two massive scenic studios in California. Both of Flagg’s studios would be destroyed between 1923 and 1924, an inconceivable loss. His lifetime of work simply went up in smoke within the course of a year and he never regained his footing. Only three years after this devastation, Flagg passed away in Hollywood on September 19, 1927. He was only 49 yrs. old at the time and his contributions were quickly, fading from memory. In short, his legacy was lost.
From the “Los Angeles Evening Express, 1921, Nov 10, page 16.
Flagg’s obituary provides only a glimpse into his life and career. On September 20, 1927, the “Los Angeles Times,” announced,
“Edwin H. Flagg Artist, Expires.
Edwin H. Flagg, scenic artist and president of the Edwin H. Flagg Scenic Company, died Monday afternoon at Hollywood Hospital following an illness of three months. He came here from Denver about eighteen years ago and built an extensive business. He made the scenery for some of the largest and most important theatrical productions and at one time produced scenic work for all the houses of the Pantages circuit of theaters. Flagg leaves his widow and a young son, besides Mrs. Genevieve Chain, a daughter, Mrs. Margaret Olinger and Mrs. Hattie Hyde, both of Denver, sisters, and J C. Flagg, a newspaper publisher of Baltimore, a brother, formerly of Los Angeles.The funeral and will be conducted in Los Angeles and arrangements will be announced later (page 18).
For the past week I have reconstructed the life and career of Flagg, as told in newspaper articles and historical records. In a very short period of time, Flagg created a national identity and studio that eclipsed many other firms across the country, including Sosman & Landis. Unlike some studio founders, Flagg was always looking towards the future and reinventing himself, peddling a popular product to the next generation of clients. He was continually adapting during a time of unprecedented change in the theatre industry. As fabric draperies increasingly replaced painted versions, he expanded his services to secure the best and most unique textiles available; suspending them and lighting them in unique ways. He embraced innovative technology and incorporated it into new stage systems. During WWI, many on his staff worked for the newly developed camouflage trade, thus securing additional work as other projects diminished. Flagg Studios dominated new theatre construction immediately after WWI, always keeping an eye out for other projects on the horizon.
Flagg’s studios did camouflage work during WWI. From the “Los Angeles Times,” Sept 2, 1917.
The story of Flagg becomes symbolic of many scenic artists, those born the generation after Thomas G. Moses. His generation had to adapt to the ever-changing times, in many ways much more so than the generations of scenic artists before him. He was born during a unique period in American theatre. Flagg was not paralyzed by the “before-and-after” mindset, the same that plagued Moses and many of his colleagues. Flagg represented of an ever-evolving artistic mindset, constantly adapting to new demands in popular entertainment and figuring out how to make even more money.
Flagg was born on June 29, 1879 in Point Edward, Ontario, Canada. He emigrated to the United States in 1891 at the age of twelve years old. Beginning his career as a scenic artist, Flagg soon moved into theatre management. By 1897, he was listed a manager in an advertisement for “Bridget O’Brien, Esq.” at the Lyceum Theatre in Salt Lake City (Salt Lake Herald, 5 May 1897, page 4). Not much is known of his early career at this time, but he primarily remained in the Chicago area. Newspaper articles until 1904 would note Flagg as a Chicago artist.
Management – Edwin H. Flagg. From the “Salt Lake Herald,” 5 May 1897, page 4.
Flagg’s early history is difficult to decipher at best. On Jan 11, 1899 Flagg married his first wife, Harriet Myrtle Shriner (1878-1976) in McDonough, Illinois. That same year the couple moved west to Colorado and celebrated the birth of Harriet “Genevieve” Flagg, born in Denver on October 12, 1899. Despite their move to Denver, Flagg was still listed as a Chicago artist until he took up residency in Alexandria, Louisiana in 1903.
The earliest mention that I have located of Flagg as a scenic artist is from the “Pomona Daily Review,” in 1902. An article in the California newspaper reported, “Edwin H. Flagg had just completed his scenery painting at the Pomona Opera house, after a week of artistic work in scene painting and the production of clever advertisements. He left with his wife for Chicago this morning (“Pomona Daily Review,” 6 Sept 1902, page 2). His drop curtain, “The Harbor of Venice,” was described in detail; a Royal Palace towering above a river, with marketplace and gondolas below. While in Pomona, Flagg also painted a drop curtain for the Armory house (“Pomona Daily Review,” 4 Sept 1902, page 1).
Between 1903 and 1904, the “Edwin H. Flagg Company” was credited with delivering scenery and stage machinery to both the Old Concordia Theatre and New Park Casino in Little Rock, Arkansas. In 1903, the “Arkansas Democrat” reported that the Edwin H. Flagg Company was putting the finishing touches on the Old Concordia’s new stage equipment during a renovation (Arkansas Democrat, 12 Jan 1903, page 2). Flagg would return to Little Rock the following year and paint scenery for the New Park Casino (“Weekly Town Talk,” Alexandria, Louisiana, 21 May 1904, page 7). As with many scenic artists at this time, he ricocheted from one project to another across the country, constantly on the road
By the fall of 1903, however, he worked at Louisiana theatre that would forever alter the trajectory of his career. That October, Flagg painted scenery for the Rapides Theatre in Alexandria, Louisiana. He painted an asbestos drop and drop curtain, as well as a street scene, palace interior, kitchen interior, parlor, plain chamber, prison, garden and wood scene; standard fare for a small theatre at the time (Weekly Town Talk, Alexandria, 24 Oct 1903, page 12). Jack Auslet was stage manager for the Rapides Theatre, but by 1905 Flagg was listed as lessee and the manager of the venue; a position that he would retain until 1908 (The Town Talk, Alexandria, Louisiana, 15 March 1905, page 8).
Flagg settled in Alexandria, Louisiana between 1903 and 1904. He initially invested in a publishing company while continuing to paint. Alexandria’s News Daily listed Col. John C. Tipton as the editor and Mr. Edwin H. Flagg as the publisher for the new firm. (Weekly Town Talk, Alexandria, 28 1903, page 4).This is not really a surprise, as his brother, J. C. Flagg, also entered the publishing profession early on. At the time of Edwin’s passing in 1927, his brother was still noted as a newspaper publisher in Baltimore, Maryland. The News Publishing Company, Ltd. Of Alexandria was listed as a company specializing in the printing of newspapers, books and other works (Weekly Town Talk, Alexandria, 1 Dec 1903, page 1). This speaks to Flagg’s continued desire for diversification in work; an aspect of his career that would continue for the remainder of his life. This had also been the key for Sosman & Landis Studio from 1890 to 1900. Both Joseph Sosman and Perry Landis invested in a variety of endeavors, including lighting companies, stage machinery, touring productions. In a sense, Flagg picked up where Sosman & Landis left off, soon setting his sights on California. In hindsight, the future of Sosman & Landis was in California, but the company remained firmly planted in the Midwest. Even Moses recorded the pull, writing, “Letters from the Pacific Coast, which offered me all kinds of inducement to come west are all very good, but when I consider my age, I hesitate to make the plunge.”
Flagg, however, did make the plunge. In 1908, Alexandria’s “Town Talk” reported, “Mr. Edwin H. Flagg formerly manager of the Rapides Theatre, now of Los Angeles, Cal., was in the city last night and left this morning for New Orleans. (25 July 1908 page 6). Flagg moved to California and immediately invested in a scenic company, and then did the unthinkable; something that should have resulted in the end of his career.
In the spring of 1909, Flagg became a major shareholder in the newly incorporated Thompson Scenic company. He then immediately established a competing firm. In Thompson’s company was incorporated in April 1909. Shortly after incorporation, Flagg ceased active participation in the business and organized Edwin H. Flagg Scenic company. By Dec. 23, 1909, Thompson was ousted as president of the Thompson company, also establishing another firm – Charles F. Thompson Curtain Company. Both the Edwin H. Flagg Scenic Co. and Charles F. Thompson Curtain Co. were direct competitors with the Thompson Scenic Co., while still holding controlling interest in the firm (Los Angeles Herald, 26 Jan 1910, page 5).
A. J. Charlotte and J. D. Pitts sought an injunction against Edwin H. Flagg and Charles F. Thompson to prevent them from holding a meeting of the board of directors while engaged in completing businesses. However, within a year A. J. Charette was employed at the Edwin H. Flagg studio, representing the firm and even closing a drop curtain contract with the Pastime Theatre in New Mexico (“Albuquerque Journal,” 9 Feb 1911, page 6). In two years, the Edwin H. Flagg scenic company was one of the best-known scenic studios in the country, installing over $100,000 worth of theater scenery a year and employing a workforce of 30 artists.
Worked poured into Flagg’s studio and the company completed a series of contracts, decorating theaters and delivering stage scenery and stage fittings across the country. Projects included San Bernardino’s new playhouse, the Duval Theatre (Jacksonville, Florida), the Daisy Theatre (Montgomery, Alabama), the Pantages Theatre (Winnipeg and Oakland), Modesto Theatre (Modesto, California), Kinema Theatre (Los Angeles), Strand Theatre (Portland), New Billings Theatre (Montana), the Rialto (Phoenix), the Nile Theatre (Phoenix), the New California Theatre, and the New Yost Theatre. He also began working as a producer, establishing the Edwin H. Flagg Musical Company Stock organization at the Hip theatre, investing in a series productions elsewhere too.
Flagg completed projects and life at a rapid pace, even while driving. On October 18, 1913, the “Los Angeles Evening Post-Record” reported, “When Flagg isn’t manufacturing breath-snatching extravaganzas he’s doing some breath-snatching auto driving. As a result, he claims the record of having been pinched 57 times for speeding in 48 states” (page 12). Newspapers also reported that Flagg drove a Buick (Bakersfield Morning Echo, 22 May 1913, page 3). There is nothing quite like living life in the fastlane, until you encounter that first major bump in the road that results in a catastrophic accident.
The period of 1919 to 1921 was a highpoint for Flagg and his studios. He married his second wife, Patricia Manners. Manners was a musical comedy star and pupil of Mme. Aldrich (Los Angeles Times, 29 Dec. 1919, page 20). She was part of Flagg’s production “Did Doris Do It?” starring alongside Eddie O’Brien, Phillis Gordon and the Rader Bros. Manners also starred in Flagg’s “Too Many Wives” and “Maid of Waikiki” during 1919 (Long Beach Press, 7 Aug 1919, page 8). She was advertised as “the girl with an angel voice,” a stunning coloratura soprano. Flagg’s divorce from his first wife remains shrouded in mystery, but their daughter remained in the spotlight.
Patricia Manners. From the “Long Beach Press,” August 7, 1919, page 8.
In 1921 Miss Genevieve Flagg married James Delmore “Dell” Chain (1887-1963). Chain was a performer and one of the principals in the cast of “Sun-List.” (“The Town Talk,” Alexandria, 19 Oct 1921, page 1). Dell’s career continued to flourish in the 1920s, with frequent mention of his famous father-in-law. The same cannot be said for Flagg and his studios, as his life began to implode.
In 1923, Flagg’s Los Angeles studio was destroyed by fire. Two boys lit a small fire that grew, burning down an entire city block (“Sacramento Bee,” 14 July 1923, page 7). Flagg’s second studio went up in flames the next year, when a grass fire got out of control. Ironically, this second fire was intentionally set by city firemen (“Santa Cruz Evening News,” 4 June 1924 page 1). What’s the possibility of two unrelated and accidental fires destroying your life’s work? Three years after the second studio fire Flagg passed away. He was in the midst of rebuilding his enterprise but ran out of time.
Flagg Studio advertisement in 1922. From the “Los Angeles Evening Express,” Feb 27, page 71.
His work for the Rialto Theatre in Phoenix, Arizona, in 1921 deserves mention as it says a lot about Flagg and his business. For the 1921 project, newspapers reported that Flagg was given carte blanche with the venue(Arizona Republic, 2 July 1921, page 18). The article additionally noted that Flagg pulled his best, Ted Lange, from a Marcus Loew project at Seventh and Broadway, to work at the Rialto. The article reported, “Flagg took him off the job and sent him out to Arizona to get the Rialto up in shape so that his old-time pals “Rick” and “Harry” could say, “Boys, this is a Flagg House.” The article continued, “Edwin H. Flagg started life as a scenic artist so long ago…But Ed Flagg has not lagged behind all these years. He has kept abreast of the times, and 1921 sees him as the biggest decorator and stage expert in the west. Flagg even goes to Europe to show them how to equip stages. That’s the kind of man the R. and N. [J. E. Richards and H. L. Nace] firm brought in to add his bit to make a real theater…Edwin Flagg takes a lot of pride in what he has done for the success of the new house and the local firm is loud in their praise of him and his firm” (Arizona Republic, 2 July 1921, page 18).
From the “Arizona Republic, July 2, 1921, page 19.
The 1870 US Federal Census lists Anna Maria (Hammer) Hoornbeck as living in Chicago her sons Dell and Spencer in Chicago. At the time of the census, Henry B. Hornbeck, alias Henry C. Tryon, was likely traveling as an itinerant scenic artist. In 1870, Tryon was associated with Aitkin’s Museum in Chicago, but was also working in Michigan, and delivered new scenery for a theatre in Manistee, Michigan. There, he was listed as “late scenic artist of Aitkin’s Museum, Chicago, Ill.” (New York Clipper, 11 June 1870). The “New York Clipper” article reported, “Messrs. Ferris and Hensberger have fitted up a nice little theatre, which was formally opened on the 26th., the bill of the play being “The Charcoal Burner” and “Thumping Legacy,” with C. W. Collins and Fanny Dempster in the principle characters, the latter being credited by a correspondent with being a gay and vivacious artist. “Octoroon” was played all last week. Besides the above, the company includes Mrs. J. R. Creed, J. W. Whitley, Harry Cotton, A. A. Armstrong and others, not forgetting Henry C. Tryon late scenic artist of Aitkin’s Museum, Chicago, Ill.”
By the fall of 1870 Tryon was listed as a scenic artist at D. R. Allen’s Globe Theater in Chicago. He was working with James. H. Rogers and John M. Kaufman. Of the Globe’s opening, the “New York Clipper” announced “Allen’s Globe Theatre, a new edifice, situated on what is termed the “west side” in Chicago, Ill., on Desplaines street, between Washington and Madison, is announced to be opened for the regular season this evening, Nov. 21st… James Howard Rogers, John M. Kaufman and Henry C. Tryon, scenic artists” (26 November 1870).
As most other artists at this time, he established a permanent residence, or theatre, for correspondence and then traveled to outfit new venues with scenery. There was a significant amount of construction as railways expanded ever westward. Tryon found a substantial amount of work in Kansas, including Frazer’s Hall in Lawrence.
The Great Chicago Fire occurred from October 8 to 10, 1871, killing approximately 300 people, and destroying approximately 3.3 square miles of the city. 100,000 residents were left homeless. Miraculously, Allen’s Globe Theatre survived the destruction, so Tryon remained associated with the venue.
As the Windy City recovered, a group of scenic artists painted a large panorama of the horrific event – Alderson’s Great Panorama of the Chicago Fire. The piece immediately toured the country, accompanied with musical performances and descriptive recitations. While in San Francisco, California, an advertisement for Platt’s Music Hall described “3,700 feet of canvas from actual views and drawings by Henry C. Cross of the Academy of Design; J. Howard Rogers, scenic artist of McVicker’s Theatre; Henry O. Tryon, scenic artist of Wood’s Museum; Henry Dressel, scenic artist of the Globe Theatre, and Thomas Megann, scenic artist of Crosby’s Opera House” (Figaro, 31 July 1872, page 1). Scenes described in the advertisement included: Chicago before the Fire; The Conflagration; Thousands of Houses in Flames; The scenes of the Old Cemetery; The Ruins; Views of Principal Streets; Public Buildings, Printing Offices, etc.; Ruins of Churches; Something About Mrs. O’Leary’s Cow; Music, Songs, Stories, Recitations; and Descriptive Lecture and Dramatic Ballad.
Chicago Fire Panorama advertisement from “Figaro,” 31 July 1872, page 1.
Tryon also worked as an assistant to Mr. R. H. Halley’s assistant, painting scenery for the Wyndam’s Comedy Co. in 1872 (Chicago Tribune, 5 May 1872, page 7). Tryon could not have picked a better individual to study with at this time; Halley had an excellent reputation and connections. On April 5, 1872, the “Chicago Tribune” reported, “R. H. Halley, the eminent English scenic artist, whose brush added so much to the attractive features of Crosby’s Opera House and the Dearborn Theatre, has just reached New York from Europe, and will soon visit Chicago. He will paint scenery for Myer’s Opera House, building on Monroe street, directly in the rear of McVicker’s Theatre” (page 5). By the fall, Halley was also credited for painting the new Aiken’s Theatre drop curtain and scenery, completing the project with C. Louis Malmsha. A “Chicago Tribune” article noted that both artists were “schooled under the artistic Telbin, of London, and others, and reflect lustre on their names as men of merit and talent” (Chicago Tribune, 18 September 1872, page 4). Tryon later worked with Malmsha at Wood’s Theatres (Chicago and Cincinnati) and McVicker’s Theatre (Chicago), eventually writing a passionate tribute to Malmsha upon his passing (October 19, 1882).
Advertisements placed by Tryon in the “New York Clipper” during 1872 announced, “Henry C. Tryon, late scenic artist Woods’ Museum, Chicago is prepared to paint Scenes and drop curtains for theatres, public halls, &c. Address 363 West Indiana street, Chicago” (18, May 1872). Tryon would primarily advertise in the “New York Clipper” throughout the duration of his career.
Advertisement for scenic artist Henry C. Tryon in the “New York Clipper,” 18, May 1872.
Work over the next two years included new scenery for the renovated Academy of Music in Indianapolis, Indiana (Indianapolis News, 28 Jan. 1874, page 4). For the 1874 renovation, the newspaper noted, “In lieu of the advertising drop curtain, that has been sent to the rear of the stage,” Tryon painted “an original conception, representing the voyage of Lallah Rookh to the castle called Shalimar” (The Indianapolis, New, 30 Aug 1875, page 3).
In 1875 Tryon delivered new stock scenery for Grand Opera House, in Cincinnati, Ohio. An article in the “Cincinnati Daily Star” reported that the scenic department for the Grand Opera House was “in the hands of Charles Blackburn and Henry C. Tryon (4 Aug. 1875, page 4).
The second half of the decade would find Tryon establishing a partnership with Lemuel L. Graham. There will be more on that tomorrow.
Philip Dodd and Earle Van Buren were the sons of Joseph Van Buren Ackerman (1848-1882) and Frances Talulah Dibble (1842-1916). Earle was two years younger than his older brother Philip, born on January 29, 1877, in Pensacola, Florida. Throughout the duration of his career, Ackerman was identified by a variety of names, including Earle Van Ackerman, Earle V.B. Ackerman, E. V. B. Ackerman and E. V. Ackerman and E. Van Ackerman. There is no indication of how, or why, the world of theater beckoned both Philip and Earle, luring each to New York. However, when they entered the scenic art profession opportunities were abundant and financial prospects high. Earle completed four years of high school before venturing north to New York.
The first mention that I have located of Earle’s scenic work
was in 1897. That year, “E. Van Ackerman” was credited with painting a new drop
curtain for B. F. Keith’s Union Square Theatre. The “New York Times” reported
that Ackerman’s drop curtain depicted a “handsome interior with a view of a
drawing room and distant conservatory” (Dec. 8, 1897, page 4). This was the
same year that Earle married Rhoda Beatrice Snell in Brooklyn (1877-1953). His
brother Philip also married his first wife Margaret in 1897.
Earle and Rhonda celebrated the birth of their son Robert on
August 28, 1898 in Brooklyn, NY, the same year Philip and Margaret celebrated
the birth of their daughter Emma. The two couples lived in Brooklyn, each man trying
to succeed in the theatre business. The brothers sporadically worked together
over the years, eventually forming Ackerman Bros. Scenic Studios by 1914.
Unfortunately, the partnership never lasted long.
When they did work together, Earle functioned as a scenic
artist and Philip as the supervising designer. It was Philip’s career that really
took off by, with “P. Dodd Ackerman” appearing in one newspaper article after
another. This may have prompted the two brothers to part ways; very little was
published about the younger Ackerman’s scenic art and designs.
In 1909, however, the “Brooklyn Citizen” reported that E.
Van Ackerman prepared twenty floats for the big Mardi Gras Carnival on Coney
Island. Ackerman was working with Llewellyn J. Bruce on the project, and the
carnival procession was estimated to be over a mile long, with 250 horses pulling
floats and over ten thousand electric lights (Brooklyn Citizen, 25 Aug 1909,
page 6). The 1910 US Federal Census listed Ackerman’s occupation as “artist” in
“studio” as his industry. He was living
with his, wife, son and a boarder, John J. Redmond, who listed as a thirty-six
yrs. old musician.
I wrote about Earle V.B. Ackerman in a past post while
exploring the studio fire at Harley Merry’s old space in January 1912. The incident had prompted me to track down a
little information about Earle, the final renter of the studio space. His brother
P. Dodd Ackerman had been on my radar for a while, but Earle was new to me. In 1911
Earle Ackerman partnered with J. Katser, also listed as Kapher and Kopher in
newspaper articles. The two were renting Harley Merry’s old studio. Harley Merry
was the scenic artist alias for British actor Ebenezer J. Britton. “The Brooklyn
Citizen” reported “The Harley Merry Studios had been located on Franklin avenue
for more than forty years. Harley Merry was an old-time actor and built scenery
for Booth, Barrett and other well-known old-timers. Six months ago, Merry died
and the business has since been carried on by E. Van Ackerman and J. Kopher” 9 Jan.
1912, page 12).
Here is a recap on the studio fire:
On January 9, 1912, the “Brooklyn Daily Eagle” reported,
“The Harley Merry scenic studio in Franklin avenue, near Malbone street, in
which the scenery for many of the greatest dramatic productions was painted,
was destroyed by fire today. The entire contents of the building, including the
completed scenery for one production and the partly finished scenery for
another play, was lost. The building
loss is estimated at $3,000, while the loss of the contents will amount to
$10,000. The building and contents were
uninsured. The fire was discovered at 10:30 o’clock by Michael Stabile of 27
Coffey street, who, with Frederick Snell of 8905 Fifth avenue, was in the
building at the time. Stabile was in the cellar under the studio when he heard
a noise which sounded like the drop of a heavy weight. He ran up to the second floor, and as he
opened the door leading to the stairway a cloud of smoke burst into his
face. He called for help and a policeman
sent in an alarm. Battalion Chief
O’Hare, who was in charge of the fire engine companies to arrive, feared that
the fire would spread to the adjoining building, which are all of frame
construction, and to the Consumers Brewery across the street, and he sent in a
second alarm. Six engines and two truck
companies were soon on the scene, but the fire was beyond control and their
efforts were devoted to saving surrounding property. The roof fell an hour
after the fire was discovered. Ten
foremen were in the building when the roof tottered and were warned by the call
of Deputy Chief O’Hara. All escaped
before the roof collapsed. The flammable nature of the contents and the high
wind are given as causes for the building’s rapid destruction. The building was
originally used as a scenic studio by E. J. Britton, retired actor and scenic
artist, who painted under the name of Harley Merry. After his death last September, the building
passed into the hands of his daughter Mrs. George Kennington. It has recently been rented as a studio to E.
Van Ackerman and J. Katser.”
In the fire, Ackerman and Katzer lost scenery for an
upcoming production of “The Real Girl.” The article reported, “The [studio] contents
included the completed scenery for the production of ‘The Real Girl,” a musical
comedy which is to be produced on Broadway within a few weeks, and also the
partly finished canvas for the farcical comedy, “Class,” which also has a
Broadway booking…The loss of these two sets is estimated between $6,000 and
$7,000.” It was possible that this heavy
loss without the safety net of insurance ended the Ackerman and Katser [Kapher/Kopher]
partnership.
By 1913, Earle was working with his brother again, a likely result from financial devastation. They partnered to deliver scenery for “The Privateer” at the Star Theatre. Then Earle branched out again on his own, designing “Mlle. Modiste,” at the Globe Theatre. There was also a 1913 that advertisement that announced, “E. Van Ackerman, Scenic Studio, successor to P. Dodd Ackerman.” This suggests a split, or the temporary departure of his brother. Yet his advertisement listed an address at 1576-1578-1580 Bushwick Avenue; his brother’s studio.
Earle Van Buren Ackerman’s scenic studio. Advertisement in Gus Hill theatrical Directory.
The 1913 advertisement also noted that the Earle’s studio was
established in 1890. This date is extremely doubtful based on the ages of the
brothers in 1890; they would have been 15 and 13 years old. In fact, in 1890,
Earle V.B. Ackerman was working as an office boy for Kiser & Sparks while boarding
at 242 Whitehall in Atlanta, Georgia. Keep in mind that attaching an earlier establishment
date was not uncommon for scenic studios. Sosman & Landis and Volland Studio
also added a few years to their establishment dates over the years, boosting
the levels of their experience and longevity.
By 1914, “Ackerman Bros. Scenic Studio” is advertised in “Gus
Hill’s Theatrical Directory.” The new firm is at the same location on Bushwick
Avenue in Brooklyn. The advertisement
offers, “Scenery Painted and Constructed, Productions, and Motion Picture
Theatre Settings.” Their partnership did not last long, and soon Earle was on
his own again, partnering with other scenic artists to compete projects. On
Oct. 19, 1916, “The Vermont Tribune” reported, “Two scenic artists from
Brooklyn, N. Y., E. Van Buren Ackerman and Henry Schmidt, are boarding at W. D.
Livingston’s.” (19 Oct. 1916, page 8). About this time, both Ackerman brother’s
encountered marital problems, each separating from their wives. Earle never
remarried.
Earle Van Buren Ackerman and Philip Dodd Ackerman established Ackerman Bros. Scenic Studio by 1914. From Gus Hill’s Theatrical Directory.
Earle’s WWI draft registration card listed his physical
appearance as similar to his older brother’s, fair hair, blue eyes, medium
height and medium build. At the time, his occupation was noted as theatrical
scenery and his employer H. Robert Law, at 502 W. 38th in New York. Little
is known of Ackerman’s life or career or personal life in the post-WWI years. Very
seldom did his name appear in print; this was a marked departure from his older
brother’s very public persona.
By the late 1920s Earle is working as a designer. In 1927 Earle
designed the setting for “Tia Juana,” a melodrama at the Schubert
Playhouse. On November 5, 1927, the “Morning
News” reported, “The Company is capable, the scenery elaborate, and there are
no dull moments” (Wilmington, DE, page 13).
Ackerman’s design was built by the Vail Scenic Construction Company.
Then he disappears again until the mid-1930s. By 1939, Earle only made headlines
after a car collision. The “Courier-News” reported, “Car driven by Isador
Gelbard, 43, of Davidson Ave., Franklin Township, was in collision with a car driven
by Earle Van B. Ackerman, 57 Howard Ave. South Bound Brook, in Hamilton Ave. in
front of the Brooks Theater Saturday afternoon. No one was hurt and no
complaints have been made. Mrs. Isador Gelbard was in the car with her husband”
(Bridgewater, CT, page 4).
In 1940, Earle was living in Franklin, New Jersey; lodging
with another scenic artist and one-time studio owner, George W. Korb. Ackerman
listed that he had been at the same residence since 1935, with his marital
status still listed as divorced. The Korbs, however, became Ackerman’s new
family and he would live with them for years.
In the end Earle outlived them all, his wife, son, brother ad both Korbs. Earle Ackerman passed away on April 29, 1970, in Phillipsburg, New Jersey. Ackerman shares a grave stone with George W. (1889-1957) and Theresa E. (1893-1947) Korb.
Grave stone that Earle Van Buren Ackerman shares with George Washington Korb and Theresa Korb in Phillipsburg, New Jersey.
In 1919 Thomas G. Moses wrote,
“The scenic artists have made their minimum scale $50.00, a raise from $36.00,
which means a number will have to go back as assistants. Very few are capable of earning $50.00 while
a number are worth $60.00 and $75.00.” To put a scenic artist’s salary in
perspective, the average actual weekly earnings per week worked in 1919 were $13.55
(Journal of Political Economy, Vol. 29, No. 1, Jan. 1921, pages 78-79). That
being said, a large section of men employed suffered in America from extensive
under employment. Estimates at the time, noted that the weekly wage for men
could have increased to $23.56 if individuals were able to secure 42 to 45
hours of employment each week. So, in
the big picture, making $50.00 per week as a scenic artist was a very decent salary
at the time. However, that does not mean that their hourly rate was twice that
of the average American worker, as they were likely working far more than 45
hours per week. If we take into account Moses’ records of long hours, scenic
artists worked 10 to 12-hour days, often six days a week.
Keep in mind that the scenic
artist salary increases from $36.00 to $50.00 was during a period of increased unionization
in American. Workers needed representation for fair wages, decent hours and
safe working conditions. I keep thinking of my grandfather who opted not to
work in a steel mills of Milwaukee as a newly arrived immigrant, explaining
that if he wanted to work in “hell” he would have stayed in Poland. My
grandfather Waszut later ran the north trolley line in Minneapolis. Then, as
now, many businesses took advantage of their employees, placing profits ahead
of people; the safety of their workers was not a priority. This is why union
representation is critical, an organized movement helping implement safeguards
while holding businesses accountable. Unfortunately, if often took a tragic event,
a horrific moment, that instigated people rise up and act, becoming part of a
nationwide movement.
The passion in people becomes ignited to organize and
protest. Their protests start because there are a series of unacceptable incidents,
especially if there is a history of prior warnings and citations. A tragic
event will become the catalyst where people stand up and say, “enough is
enough.” That is when the massive protests start. Similarly, those wanting to
maintain the status quo try to quickly silence the protestors or distract the
public’s eye away from the tragic incident. In 1911, the Triangle Shirtwaist
Factory fire was the catalyst for change and increased union representation. Most
of the victims dies as a result of neglected safety features, such as locked
doors. Seeing women plunge to their death from a burning building, resulted in
a demand for change, helping unite organized labor and reform-minded
politicians. Here is an article about the tragedy from Smithsonian Magazine: https://www.smithsonianmag.com/history/uncovering-the-history-of-the-triangle-shirtwaist-fire-124701842/
In regard to the theatre
industry in 1919, there was quite a bit of turmoil already, including 1918
measles outbreak, the Spanish Flu and WWI; these presented a series of
obstacles…and then there was the actors’ strike.
On August 21, newspapers across
the country reported that six ‘legitimate’ theaters in Chicago, went dark. The
cause was a result of musicians and stage mechanics striking in sympathy with
the striking actors. The walk-out in six theaters took place just before the
afternoon performance on August 20, 1919. I was fascinated with the idea that when
the actors fought back, other factions of the industry rushed to their aid; it
was a community endeavor.
On August 2, articles described the
actions of the sympathizers: “Dick Green, business agent of the local Stage
Mechanics’ Union and vice president of the International Alliance of Theatrical
Employees, said the strike yesterday was in sympathy with the actors and that
there would be no compromise until the fight with the producing managers’
association in New York was settled. He said the stage hands had no grievances
of their own. Officials of Chicago Musician’s Union made a similar statement. A
nation-wide spread of the strike is now threatened, according to union
officials and the hostile attitude of the theatre managers toward making any
concessions indicate a long night…The strike of stage hands and musicians as an
adjunct of the Actors’ strike threatens to close every downtown playhouse in
Chicago” (“Morning Post” Camden, New Jersey, 21 Aug 1919, page 6)
On August 22, 1919, “The Record”
reported the actors strike was augmented by nearly two hundred scenic artists
employed by the Schuberts and several score more actors, The article noted, “The
Actor’s Equity Association members are jubilant, declaring they are sure they
can force the managers to recognize the union and accept the players’ demand”
(Hackensack, New Jersey, 22 August 1919, page 16).
However, there was another force
at work mentioned in the last paragraph: “Louis Mann has begun the organization
of an actors’ organization in opposition to the Equity Association in an effort
to end the strike. He is backed by the Producing Managers’ Association and is
said to have been given $100,000 by George M. Cohan to finance the project.”
From 1905 until Al Ringling’s
passing in in 1916, Thomas G. Moses completed several designs for the Ringling
Bros. grand circus spectacles. In 1912, Thomas
G. Moses wrote, “Went to Sterling to catch Ringling to collect $1,200.00. As I went to the tent to find Al Ringling, I
discovered everyone watching a fire – a stable at least four blocks away. A spark was blown towards the tent, the top
of which is prepared with paraffin to make it waterproof. It soon ignited from the sparks and in less
than thirty minutes the big tent was destroyed.
The rest of the tents were saved.
It was mighty fortunate there were no people in the tent. Some of the animals in another tent started
some noise when the smelled the smoke, but they were soon quieted. I sneaked away without making myself known. There was no money for me, that I guessed.” This
would not be the first or last fire for the Ringling Bros. On July 6, 1944, a
huge fire engulfed the Ringling Bros. Circus tent in Hartford, Connecticut. The
tragedy killed 167 people and injured hundreds more.
Ringling Bros. Tent fire on July 6, 1944.
Fire was a constant threat for not
only circuses but also theaters. Theatre practitioners still site the horror of
Chicago’s Iroquois Theatre tragedy as an impetus for many of today’s fire codes.
It is not that we were unaware of how to prevent theatre fires. As an industry,
there were fire curtains and other preventative measures in place at many nineteenth
and twentieth century theaters. The architectural firm of McElfatrick
& Sons placed most of their theaters on the ground floor and increased fire
exits. By 1876, Dion Boucicault was testing various methods to fireproof
scenery.
The problem was a lack of
regulation and safety enforcement. I always think back to the Triangle Shirt
Factory and all of the women leaping to their deaths to escape the flames;
profits remained a priority over people for many companies, even after
court-appointed safety measures were demanded of business owners. This is when the
reinforcement of state and government regulations to ensure public safety is a
necessity, as some companies refuse to spend money on safety. For the theatre
industry, it took the seeing piles of dead women and children on the streets of
Chicago after fire broke out during a matinee performance.
I have several books about the Iroquois
Theatre Fire, one being “The Great Chicago Theatre Disaster” by Marshall
Everette published in 1904. The
publication included “the complete story told by the survivors” and was
“profusely illustrated with views of the scene of death before, during and
after the fire.” The Publisher’s Preface noted, “While the embers are still all
but glowing of one of the most heartrending fires of modern times, its history
has been caught from the lips of the survivors and embalmed in book form. The
deep and far-reaching effects of the Iroquois casualty will not be eradicated,
if much softened, for another generation. That this is true must be realized,
when it is remembered how large a majority of the victims were in the early
dawn or flush of life, and their friends and closer kindred can the less
readily be reconciled to the sad reality than the loss had fallen among the
mature, whose end, in order of nature, would not be far away.” Everett added,
“While this book is intended to be a fitting memorial in commemoration of that
tragic and historic event, I am in firm in the conviction that its wide
circulation will be instrumental in accomplishing much good. It calls special
attention to the defective and dangerous construction of theaters, public
halls, opera houses and other public buildings all over the land; bold evasions
and reckless disregard of life-saving ordinances by managers and owners whereby
thousands of precious lives are constantly in imperiled. It will thus arouse
public sentiment and emphasize the supreme importance of safeguarding people
who congregate in such buildings and prevent the possible loss of thousands of
lives in the future. What has happened in Chicago is liable to occur in other
cities and towns unless precautionary measures are adopted.”
Image from the “The Great Chicago Theatre Disaster,” 1904.Image from the “The Great Chicago Theatre Disaster,” 1904.
Mrs. Emma Schweitzler described
the first appearance of the fire, stating, “As soon as the drop curtain came
down it caught fire. A hole appeared at the left-hand side. Then the blaze
spread rapidly, and instantly a great blast of hot air came from the stage
through the hole of the curtain and into the audience. Big pieces of the
curtain were loosened by the terrific rush of air and were blown into people’s
faces. Scores of women and children must have been burned to death by these
fragments of burning grease and paint. I was in the theater until the curtain
entirely burned. It went up in the flames as if it had been paper and did more
damage than good.”
Image from the “The Great Chicago Theatre Disaster,” 1904.Image from the “The Great Chicago Theatre Disaster,” 1904.Image from the “The Great Chicago Theatre Disaster,” 1904.Image from the “The Great Chicago Theatre Disaster,” 1904.Image from the “The Great Chicago Theatre Disaster,” 1904.Image from the “The Great Chicago Theatre Disaster,” 1904.Image from the “The Great Chicago Theatre Disaster,” 1904.Image from the “The Great Chicago Theatre Disaster,” 1904.Image from the “The Great Chicago Theatre Disaster,” 1904.Image from the “The Great Chicago Theatre Disaster,” 1904.Image from the “The Great Chicago Theatre Disaster,” 1904.Image from the “The Great Chicago Theatre Disaster,” 1904.Image from the “The Great Chicago Theatre Disaster,” 1904.Image from the “The Great Chicago Theatre Disaster,” 1904.
When Moses visited Ringling in
1912, he had already witnessed his share of burned stages. Sosman & Landis
frequently provided replacement scenery for venues that replaced previously burned
theaters. It was not until I began researching the life and times of Moses that
I began to understand how frequently fires cured in the United States. We all
know of their existence, yet many of us cannot comprehend the frequency of the
events. And yet, people kept walking through the doors of early twentieth
century theaters, hoping that all precautions to prevent fire had been implemented
for their safety.
By 1908, the “Manual of
Inspections, A Reference Book for the Use of Fire Underwriters” by William
Dennis Matthews included a section on theaters:
“THEATERS. Heating? Footlights,
border-lights and overhead stage lights – open? How guarded? Scenery – painted
with watercolors or oils? Arrangement of switchboard, dimmers, etc.? Spot
Lights? Sciopticons? Stereopticons? Smoking on stage? Dressing rooms – candles?
Swinging gas jets? Heaters? (Fires are caused frequently by electrical apparatus
carried by traveling companies, which is generally poorly constructed and
installed). Carpenter and paint shops – care of oils, paints, refuse, etc.?
Space under auditorium used as a catch-all of old papers, etc.? Posters- where
stored (subject to spontaneous combustion when stored in piles, owing to the
oxidation of printer’s ink)? General care and cleanliness?
Note: The spread of fires in
theatres is usually very rapid, owing to the height of ceilings and the
arrangement and nature of scenery and flies in stage end. Fires occurring
during performances nearly always cause panics in which more or less people are
injured or killed. It should, therefore, be plain to all concerned that devices
which might cause fires should be eliminated as far as possible and that those
which are necessary should be safeguarded in every practical way. The question
of protection is a most important one – some cities require the stage end to be
of fireproof construction, all scenery to be fire-proofed, the opening in proscenium
wall to have a fireproof curtain, and the dressing rooms, property rooms and
paint and carpenter shops equipped with automatic sprinklers. There should be a
good supply of chemical extinguishers on the stage and working galleries, in
dressing rooms, paint and carpenter shops and property rooms, and throughout
the basement; large stationary chemicals with piping to these various rooms and
hose attached would, of course, be preferable.”
In 1912, Thomas G. Moses wrote, “January 15th the big
furnace at the studio fell over and started a fine fire – a loss of about
$2,000.00, a week’s delay in repairs and getting started.” That is the
equivalent of a $53,000 loss today, no small fire. However, with the fabric and other flammables
stored in the studio, the damage could have been far worse.
Moses’ record of the studio fire is an opportune moment to
contemplate some practical considerations of running a scene painting studio in
Chicago during 1912, such as making the binder for paint. In 1912, stage
scenery was painted with a combination of dry pigment (powdered color) and size
water (diluted animal hide glue/gelatin). The dry pigment was transformed
into a paste and then mixed with size on the scenic artists’ palettes before
applying the paint. The type of paint used by Moses and his
colleagues included only three ingredients: color, water and binder. All were
kept separate until just prior to application, an ideal way to store paint with
an indefinite shelf life. Today’s paint uses the same three ingredients, and
then some – other additives for shelf life, flexibility, etc.
Dry hide glue for sizeCooking the hide glue.
Handling any paint requires an understanding of both the product and usage. Manuals not only train artists, but also may sell a particular product. In 1916, scenic artist Frank Atkinson discussed the use of size in his publication, “Scene Painting and Bulletin Art” (1916, page 154). He wrote, “The medium for binding distemper is known as ‘size,’ or sizing. For making it, gelatin is preferred, although the best grade of White Cabinet Glue answers very well and is most commonly used. Drop four or five pounds into the cauldron, cover it with water, and fill the water vessel two-thirds full of water. Apply the heat, and when the glue is melted you will have extra strong size. One dipper full of strong size with four dippers of clear hot water will produce working size.” Atkinson worked for Sosman & Landis during the early twentieth century, so his description of the process is likely the same used at many paint studios at this time.
Depending on the strength of the size, there is a tendency for it to gel. Even the perfect ratio of water to strong size will gel if a paint studio gets cool, hence, keeping the studio warm with a big furnace. The other option was to keep the size warm, but this was a bit tricky since you don’t want the glue to scorch. Making and storing unused size is like a juggling act, where all of the balls need to keep moving in the air without one hitting the ground. The smell of rotting glue is when a juggling ball hits the ground. Now in the case of Sosman & Landis, averaging the production of 4 drops a day, the size barrel was never left full for long. The key to painting with size is rapid turnover, where size water is constantly being mixed and replenished for scenic artists’ palettes.
Over the years, I have done quite a few experiments with size water, studying the strength and storage; all the while understanding that size water should really be mixed daily. Just as dry pigment palettes are prepared in the morning, preparing size each day is quite easy and takes about the same amount of time.
The greatest complaint among older artists is the rancid smell of old size. It is an organic compound that will spoil, no surprise to anyone. But like old food, there is a point when you throw it out instead of still using it. There are many ways to prevent the size from rotting and smelling like a dead animal. I have successfully kept size for over a month without any noticeable odor, you just have to understanding this little science experiment that you are creating.
The container is the first issue. Plastic and metal are not good long-term storage containers. Glass or glazed pottery (porcelain) containers are the best options, as nothing will leach into the size. I learned this from a chemist who specializes in hide glue and technical gelatin.
The container should never be tightly sealed, as this starts a little science experiment. Loosely draping the top with size, or fabric, allows the size to “breathe” and prevents contaminants from building up in the storage container.
Finally, keeping size at a cool temperature will cause it to gel, but it also preserves it like many organic substances. Gelled size just needs to be warmed up again prior to use.
Discussing the dry pigment painting process and cooking of size is nothing new or unique to our industry. There were a variety of publications and articles describing the scene painting process. As the use of dry pigment was gradually replaced with pre-mixed products, paint manufacturers and distributers took it upon themselves to include directions in their product catalogues. Bob Foreman recently shared a section about paint in a 1964 Paramount Theatrical Supply catalogue (http://vintagetheatrecatalogs.blogspot.com/…/paramount-thea…). In the section on “Scenic Paint,” there was an article written by Mr. Wayne Bowman, College of William and Mary, Norfolk 8, Virginia. Bowman’s article was placed immediately below a brief description of Paramount’s scenic paints, dyes and the necessary cast-aluminum glue pot for evenly heating size. The catalogue offered “regular colors” and “prepared colors,” adding that “regular colors are more economical.”
Wayne wrote: “For general stage use, the most satisfactory painting is done with dry scenic colors mixed with size water. The scenic colors cannot normally be obtained locally, but through theatre supply houses, such as Paramount Theatrical Supplies.” I was reminded of a conversation that I had with Italian scenic artist, Umberto di Nino, this summer. He explained the clients who wanted the best quality scenery paid for it to be created with dry pigment, whereas those without the substantial budgets used pre-mixed paints. Dry pigment is a superior product. This says a lot, as there is a visible difference of dry pigment scenery under stage lights, especially LEDS. I was able to see the difference when attending a CITT session last month where various lighting instruments were compared on paint samples. There were both dry pigment and pre-mix paint samples. In every case, the dry pigment had a greater depth and vibrancy, regardless of the lighting instrument or lamp.
Wayne’s article in the 1964 article continued: “Size water is a mixture of water and glue. Ground glue is most commonly used. The glue must be melted by covering with water and heating in a double boiler. In most scene shops, a water bucket or lard can is used for the water, and the glue is placed in a somewhat smaller container. It is good practice to place a block of wood under the glue container, so that it will not scorch if the water should boil dry. As a general rule, size water consists of one part glue, by volume, to sixteen parts of water. Since glues vary in their properties, it is necessary to test size water in this manner: wet the thumb and forefinger in the size water, touch them and then separate them. They should feel slightly sticky. If not, add more glue.”
When theatrical supply companies stopped adding instructions about dry pigment, the use went down. When demand decreased, the product was removed from many theatrical supply catalogues. The same can be said for any specific painting product; if a client is unsure how to use it, the demand goes down and then the product is discontinued by the distributor. If the product is difficult to obtain and shipping prices are high, it is less likely that the client will risk purchasing the product.
I have to wonder if that is why the use of house paint for scene painting has continued to increase over the years. The false perception that it as more expense and dangerous, combined with either the difficulty in quickly obtaining the product and expense shipping rates. For smaller institutions, it is cheaper to use, and people are willing to sacrifice the latex or acrylic sheen for convenience.
Finally, many people have used paint from a hardware/lumber store; the same cannot be said for scene paint. Many people default to a product that they are most familiar with and is easily obtainable. When the majority of academic institutions switch to house paint, storing gallons of latex from the local lumber store instead of scenic paint, the theatrical paint manufacturers will have a problem. Those students carry their training out into the professional world. Unfortunately, this trend has already started; the use of inappropriate paints for stage scenery is gaining ground at many schools.
This ties in with the continued storyline of Bestor G. Brown.
I am in nearing the end of writing an article about Bestor G. Brown, traveling salesman for E. A. Armstrong Manufacturing Company (1894-1903) and later western sales manager for M. C. Lilley & Co. (1903-1917). Brown is fascinating on many fronts, one being his connection to the development and sale of Brown’s special system – the standard counterweight rigging system delivered by Sosman & Landis consistently to Scottish Rite theaters during the early twentieth century. He was THE mover and shaker for everything required for degree productions at Scottish Rite theaters in the Southern Jurisdiction beginning in 1896.
Brown belonged to MANY fraternal orders from 1884 until his passing in 1917. He was a member of the Independent Order of Odd Fellows, Benevolent and Protected Order of Elks, Freemasonry and Knights of Pythias.
As a Knights of Pythias member, he performed in the title role of Pythias for the Knights of Pythias public production, “Damon & Pythias” during 1891. The fundraiser was held at an opera house in Topeka, Kansas, during 1891 where Brown resided with his young daughter. So popular was the amateur production of “Damon & Pythias,” that it repeated for the benefit of the fireman of Topeka. It opened at the Grand on November 20, 1891.
There was pre-show play before “Damon and Pythias,” titled “The Fireman’s Child.” The first in a series of short scenes depicted a house fire and a small child being rescued by a fireman from a window. The scenes used live flame.
Headline of an article regarding the repeat performance of “Damon and Pythias.” It was performed as a fundraising benefit by the Knights of Pythias for the local fire department in 1891.
Fire broke out during the fundraising event featuring “Damon and Pythias” at the Grand in Topeka, Kansas, during 1891. The pre-show was “The Fireman’s Child.”
On November 22, 1891, the “Topeka State Journal” reported a small fire that broke out during the “The Fireman’s Child.” Here is the article in it’s entirety:
“IT WAS TOO FIERY. The Red Fire at the Grand Goes off All at Once.
An exciting accident occurred at the Grand opera house last night during the realistic fire scene which came dangerously nearing making the scene too realistic, by far. On the interior of the set representing the burning house were six men who were manipulating the flames, the crashing glass, the crackling of the flames,” and other features of the fire. They had only about eight feet square to work in. Mr. T. D. Humphrey was in charge of the red fire and got it well started. The flames were rolling out of the windows famously, when all at once two pounds of the treacherous powder, standing near in boxes, from which the covers had been carelessly removed, caught tire. With a puff and a roar, the flames soared up into the flies, and the scene on the interior of the house instantly became an exciting one. The glass smasher dropped his box, and the “flame crackler” fled. The fire leaped up against a parlor set standing near and it instantly burst into flumes. Manager Alton, who was on the stage, rushed to the hose lying near, ready for just such an emergency, turned on the water and in a minute had a , stream on the blazing scenery, which Speedily extinguished the fire. In the excitement the hose was accidentally turned on Mr. Bestor G. Brown, who was drenched, and all the grease paint was washed off of Mr. Humphrey, who had made up preparatory to going on in the play. Several Grecian soldiers loafing around were also soused. For a few moments there were a frightened lot of people on the stage, but when it was all over, they had a good laugh. Mr. Humphrey’s hands and arms were severely scorched. The audience, fortunately was not aware of the accident.”
Part 570: Cleopatra at Kansas City’s Electric Park
In 1907, Thomas G. Moses wrote that he did one project “outside in the Electric Park.” He noted that it was a small Cleopatra production.
Main Entrance to Electric Park in Kansas City, Missouri
The Electric Park that Moses worked at was the second amusement park constructed by Joseph, Michael, and Ferdinand Jr. Heim, of Heim Brothers Brewery. It opened to the public May 19, 1907, and remained in operation until 1925 when it burned to the ground. The first Electric Park in Kansas City constructed by the Heim Brothers was built next to the Heim Brewery in 1899. At the time, Heim Brothers Brewery was the largest brewery in the world.
Heim Brewery in Kansas City, Missouri
Heim Brewery with the first electric park in the distance.
The first Electric Park was open from 1899-1906. When the first park closed, some of the attractions were moved to the second Electric Park. Both parks were known for their illuminated buildings and considered trolley parks.
A scene from the first Electric Park in Kansas City, Missouri. The brewery in pictured in the distant right background.
Known as Kansas City’s Coney Island, the second Electric Park was served by the Troost Avenue, Woodland Avenue, and Rockhill lines of the Metropolitan Street Railway Company. The park featured band concerts, vaudeville theatre, a natatorium (outdoor swimming area), boat tours, soda fountains and ice cream shops. A variety of attractions included, an electric fountain, a ballroom, a German Village, and alligator farm, boat tours, and old mill ride, a scenic railway, a shooting gallery, ice cream shops, an air gun gallery, Chutes, Dips Coaster, Norton Slid, Hale’s Tour of the World, a Temple of Mirth, Flying Lady, Double Whirl, a carousel, pool room, penny parlors, Casino 5 Cent Theatre, fortune telling, palmistry, a covered promenade and horseless buggy garage.
A postcard of Electric Park in Kansas City, Missouri
The same scene at night. A postcard of Electric Park in Kansas City, Missouri
In 1911, one million people visited Electric park, averaging 8000 visitors a day during the season. It was the second Electric Park, however, that would prove inspirational to Walt Disney when he designed Disneyland.
A postcard of Electric Park in Kansas City, Missouri
A postcard of Electric Park in Kansas City, Missouri
A postcard of Electric Park in Kansas City, Missouri
A postcard of Electric Park in Kansas City, Missouri
When the park burned to the ground in 1925, a young Walter Cronkite witnessed the event. In his 1996 memoirs, “A Reporter’s Life” he wrote, “Our hill overlooked, a half dozen blocks away, Electric Park…One night after closing it burned in a spectacular fire. The Ferris wheel seemed to turn as the flames climbed up its sides. The grease caught fire on the two parallel tracks of the Greyhound Racer roller coaster, and twin blazes raced up and down with the speed of the cars that once toured the Disorderly conduct tumultuous circuit…”
