Sosman & Landis: Shaping the Landscape of American Theatre. Employee No. 72 – David H. Hunt

Copyright © 2022 by Wendy Waszut-Barrett

David H. Hunt was associated with Sosman & Landis from approximately 1894 until 1923.  He encouraged the firm’s founders, Joseph Sosman and Perry Landis, to diversify their interests, expanding into the field of theatrical management in the 1890s. By 1894 he was managing Sosman, Landis & Hunt. Later in 1910, Hunt moved to New York to establish New York Studios, an eastern affiliate of Sosman & Landis. Hunt is quite an elusive character. I have tracked his life in both historical records and newspaper accounts, but am still left with many more questions than answers. His story is complex, and a little shady at times. As with other Sosman & Landis employees, I am going to start with his parents, Patrick and Anna Ella Hunt.

David H. Hunt, pictured in 1903.

Patrick Hunt was born in March 1851 in Ireland. He purportedly emigrated to the United States as a child during the 1860s, likely between 1861 and 1863. By 1869 he was living in Detroit, Michigan, and married a woman named Anna (b. 1848).  I have yet to locate any official immigration records or marriage certificate for the couple. This means, I have no idea what Anna’s maiden name was or when she traveled from Ireland to America in 1863, marrying Patrick five years later.

In September 1869, the young couple celebrated the birth of their first child, David Henry Hunt.  Anna would go on to have eight more pregnancies, with three children surviving to adulthood by 1900. The couple’s only surviving children were David Henry Hunt (b. 1869), James Joseph Hunt (b. 1881), and Francis John Hunt (b. 1886). The Hunt Family lived in Detroit from 1870-1900.

The 1870 US Federal Census listed Patrick, “Annie”, and their infant son, David, as living in Detroit. At the time, Patrick’s occupation was simply listed as “laborer.” He would later secure employment with the railroad in Detroit as a switchman. The 1900 Census listed Patrick, Anna, and their three adult sons all living at home, their residence listed as 151 18th Street in Detroit. They had lived at this address since the mid-1880s. Between 1900 and 1910, all of the boys moved out, leaving Anna and Patrick alone, still residing at the same address, now known as 151 Porter Street.

I have yet to discover how David H. Hunt became involved in the theatre business, or exactly when he was introduced to Sosman and Landis. 1886 Detroit Directory listed David H. Hunt as a cashier at W. P. Rend & Co., boarding at 151 18th. [W. P. Rend & Co. is the name of a coal company located west of Benton about five miles.] The 1887 Detroit Directory again listed David H. Hunt as a clerk at W. P. Rend & Co., boarding at his parents’ home at 151 18th. Between 1888-1889 I have yet to locate any information about Hunt, but in 1890 and 1891 Hunt was working as a clerk at Fletcher, Jenks & Co., again boarding at 151 18th. [Fletcher, Jenks & Co. was a gun and rifle manufacturer].

1891 catalogue recently posted for sale on eBay.
1891 Fletcher, Jenks & Co. envelope recently posted for sale on eBay.

This means that sometime between 1891 and 1893, Hunt became associated with Sosman & Landis. It is during this same period that Sosman & Landis begin diversify and invest in other business endeavors. The mid 1890s were a time of transition for Sosman & Landis, and the began setting their sights beyond the theatre supply industry. By 1893, Sosman & Landis were listed as theatrical managers for two electric scenic theatres on the rooftop of the Masonic Temple.  That same year, Hunt was visiting Chicago and associated with the theatre industry. On June 4, 1893, the “Detroit Free Press,” reported that Hunt was managing a benefit performance, “Caste” at the St. Boniface and Jesuit churches new auditorium (page 15). On June 20, 1893, the “Detroit Free Press” reported that the production featured Harry C. Barton of the Warde-James combination, Una Abel of the Rhea Company, Henry Wilkinson, Mrs. T Kennedy and W. H. Powers Jr. of the Nora Machree Company, and both Adelaide Cushman and John P. Barrett of the Glen-da-Lough Company. This was not a show that simply featured local amateurs. The article also commented on Hunt’s managerial role, stating “Manager David H. Hunt has returned from Chicago where he made arrangements for special scenery to be used throughout, and promises excellent staging.” Within the next year, Hunt convinced Sosman & Landis to invest in a new theatrical management form – Sosman, Landis & Hunt, and takes charge of the Pike Opera House in Cincinnati, Ohio. Thus was a well-respected venue with long history.

Over the course of three years, Hunt transitioned from a clerk at Fletcher, Jenks & Co. in Detroit, to a theatre manager in Cincinnati, Ohio. Keep in mind, that at this time Sosman and Landis also helped found the American Reflector & Lighting Company, each becoming an officer at the new firm. By 1894, their scenic studio had also delivered painted settings to 4000 stages across the country and their catalogues featured American Reflector & Lighting Company equipment. Their hands were full. Maybe this meant they let their guard down and started taking too many risks. Yet, I am still amazed that a young clerk from Detroit could convince two successful businessmen from Chicago to invest in a theatrical management firm, especially one run by an individual with virtually no experience in the theatre industry. By the age of twenty-five, Hunt was managing the Pike Opera House and would soon also manage the Grand Opera House in Indianapolis, Indiana.

Back of 1894 Sosman & Landis catalogue.

Sosman, Landis & Hunt primarily managed big vaudeville theaters, while also establishing touring stock companies. In addition to large houses, and touring shows, the firm also leased four summer theaters, located in both Atlantic City and Asbury Park.

During this time, Hunt continued to list his permanent residence in Detroit with his parents. The 1896 Detroit Directory listed David H. Hunt as a manager, still boarding at 151 18th. By the late 1890s, Hunt began keeping a separate room in Cincinnati.

Although he worked in Cincinnati, the 1897 the Detroit Directory listed David H. Hunt as a “travel agent,” still living with his parents. 1897 was a year of transition for Hunt, he became increasingly associated with Cincinnati’s Pike Opera House. That year he led the remodeling and redecorating the Pike Theater in Cincinnati, representing an early project for Sosman, Landis & Hunt. The firm hired Chicago theatric architect Sidney R. Lovell for the renovation. Lovell was J. M. Wood’s business partner (Link to my post on Wood & Lowell: https://drypigment.net2019/01/09/tales-from-a-scenic-artist-and-scholar-part-610-theatre-architects-col-j-w-wood-and-sidney-lovell/). The Pike Opera House project was just prior to Wood’s work on the Temple Theatre in Detroit, another Sosman & Landis project.

On Dec. 13, 1897, the “Cincinnati Enquirer” reported, “Combination. The Pike to Have Both Legitimate and Vaudeville.” (page 7). The article continued, “It has been definitely determined by the management of the Pike to make a partial change to the characters of its entertainments an to install a stock company for the production of standard plays in connection with first-class vaudeville.

“Yes, it is true,” said Manager D. H. Hunt. Then approached in regard to the subject last night by an Enquirer representative. “Negotiations have been completed, and the contracts will be signed on Monday or Tuesday. I do not exactly know the date upon which the company will give its initial performance, but that also will be settled within a few days. It must not be supposed that vaudeville will be abandoned entirely. The management believes that there is a large number of theatre-goers in Cincinnati who will never tire of more refined type of vaudeville, and not to overlook the class of pleasure-seekers altogether, we will continue to have a number of first-class vaudeville acts each week in connection with the stock company’s productions.”

“It is true that Mrs. John D. Hopkins, of Chicago, will manage the company?” was asked. “No,” Mr. Hunt said, “that is a mistake. Mr. Hopkins will not be interested in stock company or the theatre in any way whatever. The leading man and manager of the stock company will be James Neil, a well-known and capable actor, and previous to that with William H. Crane. He will bring with him practically the same company that he had in St. Paul and Minneapolis last summer, and I do not hesitate to say that as a stock company it has no superior in the country. The character of the plays will be such standard productions as “The Charity Ball,” “held by the Enemy,” “Aristocracy,” “Diplomacy,” “Jim the Penman,” and other social and melodramatic play of that class, and, although this will be an expensive innovation, you may say that the management will not advance. The process of admission, but, in some sections of the house, may find it possible  to lower them.” This move of the management of the Pike was foreshadowed some weeks since. Connected with it were rumors that the house would be remodeled, but this Mr. Hunt denies. The truth is that vaudeville has been overdone in Cincinnati. There is not enough so-called high-class or star materials to keep the Pike supplied. The syndicates are in a measure responsible for this condition of affairs, to say nothing of the return of many of the stars to the legitimate. This new arrangement will give the management the desired opportunity to weed out the light-weight materials”

On September 18, 1898, “The Cincinnati Enquirer” reported, “Manager D. H. Hunt of the Pike Opera House, is expected to arrive here tom-morrow to look after the advance work and pave the way for the regular opening of that theatre next Sunday with the popular Neill Stock Company in “Mr. Barnes of New York.” The members of the company are expected to arrive about Wednesday or Thursday of this week and several rehearsals of the play have been called, although they are almost unnecessary, owning to the play having been produced this summer by the company during the Minneapolis engagement. Sosman & Landis, the Chicago firm that controls the Pike, will also put a stock company in at the Grand Opera House, Indianapolis, to be managed by Mr. J. J. Murdock, formerly stage manager at the Pike. This enterprising firm has surrendered its lease upon the Masonic Temple Roof Garden, in Chicago, which it has operated successfully for the past several seasons, and contemplates building a new theatre in the Windy City which can be operated as a summer roof garden and then be enclosed as a perfect music hall for vaudeville performances. The promoters have not selected a site, but they announce that when completed the new theatre will be the finest of its kind in the West”  (page 17).

In 1899, the “Chicago Inter Ocean” reported, “David H. Hunt of Cincinnati, a member of the firm of Sosman, Landis & Hunt, the well-known theatrical managers, says: “Chicago can’t compare with New York as a theatrical town” (16 July 1899, page 14). Another article, entitled “How the Stock System Pays” was published in the “Los Angeles Herald” that year. It provided a little more insight into Hunt’s roll at Sosman, Landis & Hunt. Hunt was interviewed and explained the success of the stock company. He was quoted:

“The growth of the stock company idea in the west would surprise you easterners,” said David H. Hunt, of Sosman, Landis & Hunt, the other day. “I have charge of the Pike opera house In Cincinnati, and we are making more money with a stock company than we did when the house was given over to vaudeville and variety was the society fad. A haphazard stock venture will not succeed, but properly managed the scheme is a huge success, and the companies are now so plentiful that it has become a matter of difficulty to obtain players who are not only willing but capable of doing leading stock work. The lesser people are not hard to get hold of, for there will always be an excess of players, but to get good names to head the company is constantly becoming more difficult because of the advance of the idea. We have a big company, and not only get good plays, but we try to give for seventy-five cents as good a production as is provided by a visiting company for double the money. We have two scene painters and two assistants always at work, and we never use a rag of scenery for more than one play.”

The two scene painter were Thomas G. Moses and Fred McGreer, both Sosman & Landis employees at the time. McGreer is Sosman & Landis Employee No. 13. Here is the link: https://drypigment.net2021/04/10/sosman-landis-shaping-the-landscape-of-american-theatre-employee-no-13-fred-mcgreer/] Although Moses moved onto other projects, eventually leaving Sosman & Landis in 1900 to found Moses & Hamilton, McGreer remained on site as the scenic artist at the Pike Opera House until 1900.

The 1899 “Los Angeles Herald” article continued, “We give the property man money enough to hire really good furniture and we have as good a stage manager as we can get, for we very early awoke to the fact that we could save money on this department of the work. A competent man will get all there is that is good in an actor, while an incompetent one will spoil a good player. Then we have found that we must spend a little money in royalties. It is a nice thing to have the old plays to fall back on, but a season which lists a succession of ‘East Lynne’ and ‘A Celebrated Case,’ with ‘Leah’ and similar plays to follow, will not be a remunerative one in the west, and we find that by laying out four or five hundred dollars for the use for one week of a play like ‘The Prisoner of Zenda,’ we cannot only get back the money we pay out, but enough more to make it worth our while to get the best. Of course, there is the constant study to be urged against the stock system, but to offset this, there is the avoidance of the discomforts of travel and to be able to settle down in a flat for a season instead of alternating between the one night stands and the sleeping cars, is a sufficient attraction too many to offset the fact that they will have to get up a new play each week instead of one or two for the season.”

Manager D. H. Hunt was also associated with the Grand Opera House in Indianapolis at this time. On September 9, 1899, “The Indianapolis News” published an article entitled, “The Grand Stock Company” (page 32). Here is the article in its entirety as it provides some context for the scope of production produced by the stock company at this time:

“From now until the opening of the Grand Stock Company’s season, Monday, September 18, the members of that organization will be kept busy rehearsing ‘Jim, the Penman,’ the play with which the season begins. Manager D. H. Hunt and the entire company have arrived from New York, where they have already had some days of rehearsal under the direction of the new stage manager. Mr. Waiter Jewett Craven. Mr. Hunt, in a letter a few days ago, said that the company, was already well up in the play, so that the coming week will be devoted to the work of putting the final polish to the various parts. Miss Shannon will, of course, be seen again as Mrs. Ralston, wife of the skillful forger; the other parts are not yet fully announced though it is pretty certain Geoffrey Stein, the successor to the parts played last year by Mr. Sheldon, will play Baron Hardfelt. Geoffrey Stein, who is to do the character work this season, is a capable actor. He has been a member of the Frawley Stock Company, the Schubert Stock Company, and other good companies of this character. Before settling down to stock work he was with Marie Wainwright one season; was in the original New York production of Joseph Arthur’s ‘The Cherry Pickers,’ and played other important engagements. It can be seen how his acting impressed the critics from the following quotation form the Rochester Standard’s review of “Sweet Lavender,” when played by the Schubert Stock Company: ‘Geoffrey Stein, as Richard Phenyl, the bibulous barrister, easily carried off the honors of the production. The impersonation of the lovable old vagabond was in his hands quaintly forcible. He fully conceived the tenderness which underlies its drollery and made a teardrop follow the ripple of laughter. While in Washington with the Frawley Stock Company, the Washington Capitol, referring to Mr. Stein’s appearance in “The Wife,’ said: ‘Geoffrey Stein, as Silas Truman, scored another hit, You must watch this young actor’s career. He has great talent, and moreover. Is a hard student. I predict great things for him.” Numerous other newspaper notices of his work give him high praise.

Among the plays to be produced by the stock company during the present season are ‘The Dancing Girl,’ ‘Men and Women,’ ‘Lord Chumley,’ ‘Alabama,’ ‘Held by the Enemy,’ ‘The Crust of Society,’ ‘Brother John,’ ‘His Wife’s Father,’ ‘Sweet Lavender,’ ‘Saints and Sinners,’ ‘ Young Mrs. Winthrop,’ ‘The Butterflies’ and other successes. A few of the most popular plays seen last season may be given again.”

On Nov. 6, 1899, “The Indianapolis Journal,” reported, “Manager D. H. Hunt, of the Pike and the Grand Stock companies, is back from a trip to New York, and will arrive here this afternoon to see the opening production of “The Charity Ball,” to-night, While in New York, he secured some strong plays for the Grand Stock company, among them “Madam sans Gene” and “The Masqueraders” (page 3). In 1899, Hunt was certainly a mover and shaker, zipping from one town to the next. It was this same year that a young actress named Angela Dolores was part of the Pike’s stock company. Both Dolores and Hunt were lodging at the Burnet House in Cincinnati. Hunt had been a fixture at the boarding house since 1897, when it was first listed as his residence in the Cincinnati Directory. Both would continue to live at the boarding house util their marriage.

Despite a positive outlook, Hunt soon made a misstep that would cause the eventual closure of Sosman, Landis and Hunt. On April 6, 1900, the “New York Times” reported that Manager David H. Hunt was one of the gentlemen interested in the production of the Jeanette Gilder’s version of “Quo Vadis” (page 2). In New York, “Sosman, Landis & Hunt” later produced Gilder’s “Quo Vadis,” but ignored a few of the contractual stipulations. On Nov. 19, 1902, the “New York Times” published and article entitled, “Miss Gilder Goes to Law” (page 1). The problem was that Sosman, Landis & Hunt failed to produce Gilder’s version of ” Quo Vadis ” for five weeks each in two years at their various theatres, including the Pike Theatre Opera House. A series of lawsuits were filed against Sosman, Landis & Hunt around this time. Hunt didn’t quite follow the rules laid out in various contracts, and both actors and authors contended that the firm violated agreements and took their cases to court. To date, this was the only negative press that I have ever uncovered about Sosman & Landis, and it must have been quite embarrassing. The immediate solution was to remove their association with the theatrical management and solely credit Hunt. “David H. Hunt’s Pike Theater company” is soon advertised in the papers. Sosman and Landis may have remained investors, but their names were no longer linked to the Pike. It was as if Sosman, Landis & Hunt never existed. Interestingly, in 1901, various newspaper articles indicated that Hunt’s stock company had been in existence for nearly seven years, during which time it had played over 250 different plays and had appeared in almost 2,400 performances. Sosman & Landis were not mentioned at all.

On April 15, 1901, the “Detroit Free Press” described Manager David H. Hunt in an article about the Pike Stock Company’s production of “Charity Ball.” The article reported, “The organizer and manager of this enterprise is David H. Hunt, a young man whose ideals are high and whose mental attitude toward the theater is not merely sordid. By this it is not meant that his work is entirely altruistic. There is a necessary commercial side of art, and Mr. Hunt knows that in order to continue along the lines he has followed since the beginning of his managerial career the support that comes only through the box office is essential. But he also knows that while he is a frankly confessed merchant of theatrical wares, it behooves him to offer the best, and to present them in an attractive manner. The public is well enough acquainted with his way of doing business to feel justified in expecting another season of honorable achievement on his part. It is quite within the limits of conservatism to say that the re-advent of his company is a distinct public gain, for it may fairly be assured that what is known as the popular-price theater can boast no better balanced combination of players than the cast that Mr. Hunt gave us last evening.”

On March 30, 1902, the “Cincinnati Commercial” reported, “The Pike Theatre Company’s season in Cincinnati will close next Saturday evening. On the following day, the organization will open in Detroit for the summer. During its engagement the company will put on its most successful productions, four car-loads of scenery, for which will be carried North with it. Those who will be included in the organization will be Messrs. Douglas, Farren, Waldron, Maher, Everham, Reynolds, Hall, Hackett and Witte, Misses Collier, Dolores, Melville, McCaul and Roland, Manager David H. Hunt, Business Manager A. C. Robinson, Scenic Artist Slipper, Master Carpenter Eckert and several assistants”  (page 46).

The Pike Opera Company also began to travel with its own scenic artist. Hunt’s marketing of the company was quite something. Just as McGreer’s work for the Pike had made headlines from 1898-1900,his replacement did the same.

On May 26, 1901, the “Detroit Free Press” published an article entitled, “The Illusion of Scenery” (page 44). The article interviewed the Pike Stock Company scenic artist, a man known as Mr. Slipper. The article reported:

“People are just commencing to realize that good plays are frequently as dependent upon good scenery as good actors,” said Scenic Artist Slipper, of the Pike Company, “and it is certainly true that a play without the embellishment of scenery even though it be of the most meager and unpretentious sort, would be a burlesque upon the modern methods of management. We are told that Shakespeare’s plays were first produced without scenery, but we are not informed they were great success, except as lectures or monologues of rare literary merit. The success of the drama depends upon the illusion it creates; acting is an illusion – that, is, it excites the auditor to tears over a situation which does not exist, or moves to mirth with an incident that is purely imaginary. So, too, is scenery an illusion. We show you a landscape in a production at the Lyceum which seems to the spectator in front to stretch away for miles, whereas it is but a few rods distance from the eye and perhaps no more than three feet away from the house, or the shrubbery, or the forest which seems so near you. Thus, if the actor deceives your ear with a cry which seems to have it in tones all the attributes of heart-felt sorrow and tragedy, the artist deceives the eye by producing an impression simply by a few touches of the brush and the proper combination of colors something akin to that produced by the hand of nature herself, as revealed in the far-­­stretching landscape, or as is shown in the more artificial work of the man as applied to the architecture and the furnishing of apartments.”

1902 was not without tragedy, however. The newspaper article about Slipper may have been strategically released to distract local audiences from the fire at the Pike. On March 30, 1902, Hunt made news when there was a fire started in the basement and destroyed much of the auditorium. At the time, the Pike stock company was playing its closing week in Cincinnati. The story made news across the country, yet Hunt managed to feature himself in a positive light, despite the tragedy.

On April 1, 1902,Racine, Wisconsin’s “Racine Journal” reported on the fire at the Pike Opera House on March 30 (page 8). The article reported, “The matinee performance was in progress before a crowd that filled all the seats and most of the standing room when flames were discovered. The fire started in the basement. The theater is on the second floor, with two stairways leading to the fourth. There is also a stairway from the stage leading to Backer alley in the rear. The curtain had been raised for the first act of “Sag Harbor” by the Pike Stock company and the play had been in progress about ten minutes, when the portieres between the corridors and the north aisle were seen to be ablaze. With great presence of mind Manager D. H. Hunt addressed the crowd in an effort to quiet their fears, and his staff, quickly taking positions about the auditorium began to direct the general movement toward the exits. The burning portieres were snatched from their hangings and quickly trampled underfoot. This prevented the immediate spread of the fire withing the theater, but did not materially lessen the danger, for the smoke by this time was pouring up from the lower floor, where the flames had gained great headway…(there is much more, page 8).” The “Democrat and Chronicle” of Rochester, on March 31, 1902, (page 1) reported, “The only thing burned in the auditorium was a portier. Scenery stored in the lower part of the building was damaged to the extent of $10,000. Members of the company saved all their costumes and baggage…Thirty six years ago the Pike building of the same site was destroyed by fire. The damage to-day was between $20,000 and $60,000” (page 1). Despite the loss, plans for the company to begin its summer season in Detroit continued (“Inter Ocean,” 31 March 1902, page 3).

Hunt continued to make headlines despite the tragedy, toting his past successes in a series of article aimed at building up his own reputation. On 13 Sept. 1902, “The Evening Star” of Washington, D. C. reported, “Stock was a new thing when Mr. David H. Hunt decided that vaudeville was not a success at his Cincinnati theater, and installed the first stock company there since the famous old days when Davenport, McCullough and other old-time stars had appeared with the ante-bellum stock companies in the smoky city.  Mr. Hunt was a young man, his company contained players who were themselves little known, and with the development that followed hard work and success the organization was brought to a standard of perfection.  Mr. Hunt early decided that pecuniary success would only result from artistic success.  He set about obtaining good plays and good players, with the result that people in Cincinnati accord the Pike Theater Company both consideration and affection.  For several years the company played entirely in Cincinnati, then tried Minneapolis and St. Paul for spring engagements, next added Detroit to their list of cities and now adds Washington, New York and Baltimore” (page 22).

Despite the law suits and fire, Hunt continued to make good press for himself. In 1903, Hunt married Miss Angela Dolores, an actress with the Pike Theatre Co.  That year, his birthplace was listed as Pennsylvania, her father Spanish, and her mother Irish. 

Article picturing Manager David H. Hunt and Miss Angela Dolores, 1903.

Their relationship and impending marriage were published on May 21, in the “Detroit Free Press” (page 12). In 1903, Hunt was known as “ D. H. Hunt, manager of the Pike Theatre Company…a well-known theatrical gentleman from Detroit.” On March 21, 1902, the “Detroit Free Press” described Hunt as “a Detroit man and widely known in the theatrical profession of the middle west as a hustling manager” (page 12). The last line of the article noted, “In line with this announcement is another which concerns a former member of the Pike stock company. This is Miss Angela McCaull, who was leading ingenue last year. She is the daughter of the late Co. McCaull and is to be married to Lionel Barrymore, now making a hit in the character part with his uncle John Drew in ‘The Mummy and the Humming Bird.’ Miss McCaull also very popular in Detroit.”

[image of couple}

The article noted that their romance sprung up while she was under his management, with her forte being dramatic roles. It also suggested that Dolores had been living with a sister in New York for quite some time, with Hunt trying to keep their relationship secret. Not quite, as both Hunt and Dolores had been listed in the Cincinnati Directory from 1899-1902 as living in the Burnet House. On March 21, 1902, the “Detroit Free Press” described Hunt as “a Detroit man and widely known for his theatrical profession of the middle west as a hustling manager”  (“Detroit Free Press,” 21 May 1903, page 12). Dolores continued to perform under her maiden name.

In 1905, the couple celebrated the birth of their daughter, Anna. It is around this time that the Hunts move Chicago and Hunt resumes his position at the Sosman & Landis scenic studio. In 1905, Thomas G. Moses wrote, “Went to Baraboo to see Ringling Bros.  Hunt went with me.  I don’t know why, as I had to do all the talking and make the sketching for ‘The Field of the Cloth of Gold.’ We got the contract for $3,500.00.” Hunt remains in the Windy City and soon lands the management position at the Grand Opera House. Of this endeavor, “Inter Ocean,” reported, “David H. Hunt who has considerable experience in this particular branch of amusement business, will assume active management, and he has made definite arrangements with important Eastern managers whereby he will offer their successes at popular prices” (19 August 1906, page 26).

On Aug. 26, 1906, the “Decatur Daily Review” announced “Chicago to Have Stock Company” (page 20). The article continued, “For the past few months persistent rumors have connected the Chicago Opera House with stock company organizations. No statement was ever made by the management until the past week, when an authorized announcement proclaims that a dramatic stock company will take possession on Sept. 9. David H. Hunt, who has had a world-wide experience in this line of entertainment will assume active management of the new policy. He has completed some arrangements with large eastern producers whereby Chicago will receive the benefit of all the important dramatic offerings at popular prices. Mr. Hunt when seen at the opera house stated, ‘It is our purpose to assemble an organization of dramatic stars at the Chicago Opera House with a view to presenting standard offerings at popular prices. There is a great demand for a stock company of strength in the loop district, and we aim to provide one unequaled anywhere. The original scenic and costume display will be used with the original manuscript, and I will put on a new offering every Sunday evening. We shall play seven evening performances and present bargain matinees on Sunday, Tuesday, Thursday and Saturday afternoons, charging prices ranging up to 50 cents for the best seats. I am not ready to announce any more plans in detail relating to the company or the list of attractions. I expect to offer Mrs. Leffingwell’s Boots for the initial play.”

In 1907, Hunt was again at the scene of another fire, this time at the Chicago Grand Opera House. On June 29, 1907, the “Chicago Tribune” reported that there was a small fire after a projector exploded (page 3). The article interviewed Hunt who again minimized the danger and damager:
“There was no panic except a slight alarm among those in the gallery,” said Manager D. H. Hunt. “The lights were turned on at once after the explosion. This is a standing order for our employees, for the fuses often blow out and if the theatre were left in darkness at such times alarm would develop and alarm would develop among the audience. The operator was burned slightly on his right hand, but no one else was hurt” (page 3). And this pretty much ended his association with the opera by 1908.

On April 12, 1908, the Minneapolis “Star Tribune” announced, “Variety prints a statement to the effect that D. H. Hunt has been engaged to head the producing department to be inaugurated by the Orpheum Circuit company. Mr. Hunt, who is now manager of the Chicago Opera House, is not unknown in Minneapolis, where he managed the Pike Stock company through three summer season, a fact recalled by the engagement of his wife, Angeles Dolores, at the Orpheum last week” (page 25).

And yet this endeavor didn’t quite pan out either. His wife returned to the stage and Hunt began functioning as her manager. The touring production included William Duvre and Harry English (“Cincinnati Enquirer,” 30 August 1908, page 26). For the next few years, newspaper article repeatedly report that her tour remained under the personal direction of Hunt, promoting his wife as the “best known stock leading lady” (“Fort Wayne Daily News,” 16 Feb 1911, page 5). Despite his interest in theatrical management, Hunt remains associated with the Sosman & Landis studio. The 1910 Census listed a David H. Hunt’s occupation as a “manager” in the “studio” industry. At the time, his household included his 30 yrs. old wife and 6 yrs. old daughter, all living at 1128 E 43rd Street. He was managing the Sosman & Landis studio, primarily working in the office.

In 1910, tensions were high between Moses and Hunt, a feud that escalated to a peak when Sosman left on a 15-week European tour. At the time, both Moses and Hunt were left in charge of the studio. Hunt was the company secretary and treasurer, whereas Moses was responsible for the design, construction and installation of all projects. Of this time, Moses wrote, “Mr. Hunt was secretary and treasurer, and expected to run the business, but I wouldn’t allow it.  Mr. Hunt kept on the road most of the time.” After Sosman returned and assessed the studio’s state of affairs, Moses wrote, “I heard some reports as to what Hunt had reported to Sosman about my treatment towards him.  I got mad and wanted to quit.  Sosman wouldn’t listen to me.  I finally got cooled.” Moses took a little time of and then returned to the studio, writing, “I arrived June 25th.  Sosman had his doubts as to my coming back.” About this same time, Hunt sets his sights on the eastern seaboard and another business venture, again partially funded by Sosman. Smart move, as it was beginning to appear that Chicago was not big enough for both Moses and Hunt.

New York Studios listed Adelaide A. Hunt as the President, Edward A. Morange as the vice president, and David H. Hunt, as the Treasurer. The company’s starting capital was $40,000, and listed the following directors: Edward A. Morange, Adelaide A. and David H. Hunt, with offices located at 325 W 29th  Street, New York. Business listings noted that theatrical equipment was the primary product produced by the company.

To establish the New York Studios in 1910, Hunt relocated his family to New York. This move also instigated a name change for his wife. Her stage name was Angela Dolores, but “Angela” was her middle name. Adelaide was her first name. By 1919, Adelaide A. Hunt was listed as president of New York Studios, with Edward Morange as Vice-President and David H. Hunt as treasurer, still supplying theatrical goods. Office locations varied between 29th, 39th and 95th Streets. This meant a large pool for artists to draw upon for any project that came along. Many Sosman & Landis scenic artists had worked for New York Studios over the years, including John H. Young, William F. Hamilton, Victor Higgins, William Smart, Art Rider, Al Dutheridge, John Hanny, and Otto Schroeder, just to name a few. Hunt’s establishment of New York Studios is the beginning to the eventual demise of Sosman & Landis. Keep in mind that Sosman was a scenic artist; Hunt was not. Based on Moses’ description of Hunt and newspaper articles. Hunt reminds me a bit of a salesman selling any pyramid scheme, hoping for maximum returns with minimal investments; it is all based on the underlings beneath him doing the work. Hunt relied heavily on the main studio in Chicago as a support network for both labor and materials.

Between 1910 and 1912, Hunt and New York Studios were repeatedly mentioned in newspaper articles across the country. One particular article concerned an electrical apparatus that enabled a single individual to handle sixty-five drops. Hunt was part of a group interviewed about the stage innovation. At the time of the interview, Hunt was chumming around with Martin Beck (manager of the Orpheum Theatre), A. C. Carson (manager of the Denver Orpheum), and Fred W. Vincent (New York booking offices). Hunt was a genius at social networking and always falling in with the right crowd. I am including an excerpt from the interview. On Dec. 18, 1910, the “Lincoln Star” quoted Beck, “‘I have just inspected the invention of Seth Bailey, stage manager of the Orpheum in Denver,’ said Mr. Beck. ‘He has devised an electrical appliance which makes it possible for one man to handle sixty-five drops. It operates everything from the stage curtain to the back, gives absolute fire protection and does the work of an average of twenty stagehands. One man can operate it. It looks good to me, and if further tests prove it as successful as the indications are here, we will install in all the Orpheum Theatres. ‘The apparatus for handling drops, consisting of ropes and counterweights, has been the same for 200 years,’ said A. C. Carson, manager of the Denver Orpheum house. ‘Mr. Bailey has perfected, the first invention, bringing the stage mechanism up to date. It has been a field neglected by inventors.’ To add a little context, on Feb 18, 1911, the “Wilkes-Barre Times Leader,” reported, “Theatrical men and others in Denver have organized a $500,000 corporation to manufacture a mechanical device, which, it claimed, will reduce the number of stage hands needed in a theatre by three-fourths, at least. The new corporation is called the Bailey Fly Rail Machine Company. It is incorporated under the laws of Colorado. Seth Bailey, stage carpenter at the Denver Orpheum, is the inventor of the device. He worked on it several years before he announced that it was successful. About two months ago Martin Beck, M. Meyerfeld Jr., John W. Considine and other vaudeville managers, met in Denver and saw a demonstration of the apparatus. They appeared to be highly pleased with it. The names of A. C. Carson, manager of the Denver Orpheum; Fred W. Feldwich and Frank Bancroft appear at the prime movers in the matter of incorporation. Mr. Bancroft is an attorney. The device is operated by electricity (page 11). Other than patents, the stage carpenter and company seem to have vanished into thin air, as did Hunt’s association with the endeavor. However, the two article add credence to the previously-mentioned Minneapolis “Star Tribune” from 1908 that reported, “Variety prints a statement to the effect that D. H. Hunt has been engaged to head the producing department to be inaugurated by the Orpheum Circuit company” (page 25). Throughout the durations of his career, Hunt continued to juggle a series of projects.

From 1912-1914, David H. Hunt was listed as a manager in the New York City Directory, working at 1001 Times building. His was still splitting his time between Chicago and New York. In 1912, Thomas G. Moses wrote, “Sosman left for the south on a vacation.  My work doubles.  We are doing a lot of work for the New York Studios – not much profit in it for us, as Hunt seems to think we should be satisfied with a small profit.  I have made a number of designs for him which I am pleased to do as long as we get the work.”

By 1915, David H. Hunt was listed in the New York City Directory was listed as the manager of New York Studios, while lodging at the Great Northern Hotel. It was this same year that Joseph Sosman passed away and the Sosman & Landis Board of Directors elected Thomas G. Moses president of the Co.  Moses’ role as president for the firm effectively changing the dynamic with New York Studios. No more were special arrangements in terms of regional jurisdictions and non-compete agreements.

 By 1917, the New York Studios was incorporated, and the New York City Directory listed the business location as 1475 Broadway. Hunt was still listed as manager of the firm. It was a difficult time, the a world war raging and the demand for painted theatre scenery declining.

Unfortunately, on September 1, 1918, Moses resigned as president at Sosman & Landis and began working for Hunt at New York Studios. Unfortunately, his brief departure provided and opening for Hunt at Sosman & Landis. Moses really should have known better by this point in his career. By this point in his career. Moses really should have known better. Leaving was a mistake, and by the end of 1918, Moses wrote, “I am afraid that I will not be satisfied with my new deal.” Part of the problem was Moses’ trying to secure a suitable studio space. Nothing was satisfactory, so Moses began looking for other work in warmer climates.

During the fall of 1918 Moses hoped to line up a few projects in California and possibly move there, writing, “If I could only get a financial settlement with Sosman and Landis Company, we would go to California this winter.” Needless to say, he remained in Chicago for the winter. His New York Studios projects ended up being built and painted in the Peltz & Carsen shops. Of the experience, Moses wrote, “…rather hard to do in the Peltz and Carsen Studio on account of the low ceilings, being obliged to paint one part on the upper floor and the balance on the lower floor.  The studio was always warm and dry; in fact, too warm at times, which was almost as bad as not being warm enough.” Yet, Moses continued to look for a better space that spring, writing, “We looked at several buildings for a studio, but none seemed right to fill the bill.  The only way to get one and have it right is to build one.”

By summertime 1919, Moses wrote, “A new contract was entered into between the Chicago Studios [Sosman & Landis main studio in Chicago] and myself for one year. I hope it will prove to be a paying one in which I participate in the profits and a raise in salary, which means my old salary of $100.00 and a bonus.” Moses had returned to Sosman & Landis, but now Hunt was solely in charge and Moses was working on contract. Over the years, Hunt caused many of Moses co-workers and friend’s to leave the studio, starting with John H. Young. There was not even a brief honeymoon period after Moses return and soon he wrote, “We have lost John Hanny and Otto Schroeder, our two best men.  They do not want to stay with Hunt.  He is such an awful fault finder.  Larson quit us on October 24th, and Hunt insisted on my doing everything…”

The exodus of scenic artists from Sosman & Landis including five men who left to open a completing firm known as Service Studios. With competitors who intimately new the bidding and manufacture of scenery, it soon became apparent that Sosman & Landis would fold. Talk of closure began and a liquidation of assets was planned. However, issues began when both Moses and Hunt considered themselves “heir apparent” to the Sosman & Landis legacy.

Here is where it starts to get interesting, although a little  bit complicated. In 1923, Sosman & Landis began to close its doors and liquidate all assets. The liquidation would continue into the beginning of 1924. Although Moses continued to paint for the firm during 1923, he also partnered with Fred R. Megan. The two planned to purchase the Sosman & Landis name and start a second iteration of the company. Until Sosman & Landis was completely liquidated, however, Moses and Megan could not officially begin their new business venture under the Sosman & Landis name. Therefore, they temporarily conducted business as “Moses & Megan.”

While waiting to secure the Sosman & Landis name, Moses recorded that they leased the “old Fabric Studio,” adding that they plenty of work in sight, but intended to “hustle for more.”  This meant that they rented the fabric studio in the Sosman & Landis shop on S. Clinton street. They were simply biding their time until the liquidation process was completed. Other plans were brewing with Hunt as he silently backed the establishment of a new firm called The Chicago Studios. By 1922, officers of The Chicago Studio on file with the State of Illinois were A. A. Hunt of 328 N. 39th St, New York, New York, and Frank Cain of 139 N. Clark St., Chicago. A. A. Hunt was Hunt’s wife, Adelaide Angela Dolores Hunt. In 1922, Chicago Studios was located at 15 W. 20th St. Cain stared as a paint foreman, paint manager, and moved to sales by 1920.

So in 1924, after Sosman & Landis was completely closed, Chicago Studios moved into the old Sosman & Landis building at 417-419 South Clinton St. During the liquidation of Sosman & Landis assets,  studio contents were purchased by Charles L. Hoyland and William Lemle of the Hoyland-Lemle Company. This made sense, as Hoyland-Lemle had leased the South Clinton space for over a year.

During 1923,  Moses also mentioned trying to get Hoyland and Lemle “out” as he and Megan wanted to rent the space, continuing the second iteration of Sosman & Landis at the same address. There was also a third entity wanting to rent the space – The Chicago Studios.  At the time, Moses wrote  “D.S. Hunt is also bobbing about for the lease of the studio.”  This is not surprising. Keep in mind that Hunt was part of the negotiations that requested Moses wait until the company was liquidated before he officially started working under the Sosman & Landis name. He also tried to get Moses on board with his own endeavor; asking him to stay in the studio.

Moses wrote, “Hunt wants me to remain in the studio, but I can’t see it.” In hindsight, this meant that Hunt wanted Moses to work for Chicago Studios and not pursue purchasing the Sosman & Landis name. If Moses and Megan opened a new “Sosman & Landis Company” they would directly compete with Chicago Studios. Otherwise, Hunt retained control over both Chicago and New York.

In short, Moses and Hunt were seeking to acquire the Sosman & Landis legacy. Each was planning to use their institutional memory of the company to succeed in landing future projects. It was never a fair contest. By the fall of 1923, The Chicago Studios began advertising that they were continuing Sosman & Landis under a new name. The Chicago Studios sent out letters and estimates, courting past Sosman & Landis clients, well in advance of the studio final liquidation. This made the announcement of any new iteration of Sosman & Landis appear fraudulent and weak.

Moses & Megan immediately disputed the information circulated by The Chicago Studios, sending out letters of their own, but it was too late. Moses’ letters tried to explain that firm had not closed, just moved to a new, and better, location.

On November 13, 1923, Moses and Megan sent out a series of letters. One still existed in the office archives at the Salina Scottish Rite in 2010. There was a  stamp at the top of the Sosman & Landis letterhead in red ink: “MOVED Executive Offices. Now located at 6751 Sheridan Road.”

One of the many letters sent out by Moses in 1923.

In the letter, Moses and Megan wrote:

“Dear Sir:

It has recently some to our attention that a certain studio is advertising our old customers that they have bought the Sosman & Landis Company and are now operating same, combining it with their original company. We wish to assure you this is not a fact and that our original organization is intact, but our studio has been moved to better quarters.”

This was likely the beginning to every client, before taking on something personal. For the Salina Scottish Rite, the letter continued:

“Mr. Thomas G. Moses, our Art Director would like the opportunity of meeting with your scenery committee to submit our designs and specifications covering your requirements. You will perhaps recall that we were favored with your original scenery order, working through the M. C. Lilley Co, and therefore, it is not necessary for us to give you any reference to our ability and quality of our workmanship.”

In the end it was impossible to make the address change look good. Keep in mind that the main studio on Clinton Street had remained the official Sosman & Landis address for over thirty years. It’s reputation as being the best scenic studio in North America had been toted for years. This created a very awkward situation, as there is no way to state leaving the Sosman & Landis “home” to a better location. The studio was well known as one of the best in the country. It cast a negative light on all potential business dealings. In short, it looked like they were downsizing due to lack of work. Moses never stood a chance to win in the long run. 

Now let’s backtrack to the Hunts in New York and the beginning of the 1920s. The 1920 census listed that David, Angela and Anna Hunt were still living in Chicago, now at Oakwood Blvd.  Hunt was listed as a commercial salesman in the Scenic Studio industry. And yet, there was an identical Hunt family listed in New York directories at the time, suggesting that they were keeping two residences. By 1922, A. A. Hunt was listed as an officer for The Chicago Studio, with her residence at 328 N. 39th St., New York, NY.

In 1924, Moses purchases the Sosman & Landis name. Meanwhile, David H. Hunt ran both New York Studios and Chicago Studios; it just doesn’t appear that way on paper. The Hunts permanent residence remained in New York, and by 1925, the Hunts were living in Plandome, Nassau County, New York.  And this is where everything gets a little weird. At this point,  Adelaide A. Hunt’s birth year is listed as 1891. At age fifteen, Anna has moved out, and the household now includes their 4-yrs. old daughter Patricia. A son, David H. Hunt Hr., is born the following year, and by 1930, the Hunt household in Plendome includes David, Adelaide, Patricia and David Jr. By now, the family also has a live-in servant named Jennie Crosswell who is 23 yrs. old.

In regard to New York Studios, the firm was still placing advertisements in 1927. That year, one ad in the  “Scenic Artist” still listed the firm as the eastern affiliate of Sosman & Landis. It was as if Moses and Hunt were connected as magnets and realized that the firms were stronger when associated with one another despite their differences.  I often things of the statement, “keep your friends close and your enemies closer” when considering the long-term association of Moses and Hunt.

1927 Ads for New York Studios.

Moses passed away in 1934, with Hunt following only two years later. On Feb. 4, 1936, “The Miami Herald” reported, “David Hunt, 67, interior decorator, died in his home, 1515 Pennsylvania avenue, Miami Beach. He was a visitor from Long Island and leaves the widow, Mrs. Adelaide Hunt. His body was sent yesterday by the W. H. Combs Funeral Home to Brooklyn, N. Y.” (page 29).

To be continued…

Tales from a Scenic Artist and Scholar. Part 1153 – Thomas G. Moses, New York Studios, and the Binghamton Scottish Rite, 1923

Copyright © 2021 by Wendy Waszut-Barrett

In 1923, Thomas G. Moses wrote, “I put in fully a week in Binghamton at the Arlington Hotel on designs for Masonic work and I believe we will get the contract.”

Arlington Hotel in Binghamton, New York

Sosman & Landis didn’t get the contract but Moses still painted the scenery. Somehow, David Hunt of New York Studios landed the profitable contract. Keep in mind that New York Studios was the eastern affiliate of Sosman & Landis, and Sosman & Landis was preparing to close.

From the “Press and Sun Bulletin,” 21 Nov 1923, page 17.

By summer, Moses wrote, “I have arranged to go to Binghamton, N.Y. for Hunt, $2,500.00 for the job.  Sent Loitz on ahead, September 5th.”

Moses was referring to Ed Loitz. Loitz, who had worked with Moses since the 1883. He was a loyal painting assistant and friend who had followed Moses across the country, working alongside him wherever he went. Whether Moses had established a partnership, or was working at Sosman & Landis, Loitz was there. Loitz traveled one step ahead, preparing the next jobsite for Moses’ arrival and then workied on site. Loitz was almost a decade younger than Moses, being born in 1865. In 1923, they had been working together for forty years together.  At the time, Moses was sixty-seven years old and Loitz was fifty-eight years old. Loitz was both a scenic artist and carpenter, taking care of everything needed before Moses arrived on site to paint.

Scenery painted by Thomas G. Moses, assisted by Ed Loitz. From the “Press and Sun Bulletin,” 21 Nov 1923, page 17.
Scenery painted by Thomas G. Moses, assisted by Ed Loitz. From the “Press and Sun Bulletin,” 21 Nov 1923, page 17.

Moses was still splitting his time between painting for Hunt (New York Studios) and Sosman & Landis. Sosman & Landis were in the process of liquidating all assets and closing their doors. Moses and Fred Megan were waiting to purchase the name.

The New York Studios project was the stock scenery collection for the Scottish Rite Theatre in Binghamton, New York. This project was completed was just before Moses realized that Chicago Studios was sending out letters to Sosman & Landis clients, explaining that they were the successor to Sosman & Landis, already having secured the same address. David S. Hunt was behind the establishment of Chicago Studios, as well as running both New York Studios and Sosman & Landis. Even though he knew Moses was going to purchase the Sosman & Landis name after the company liquidated their assets, Hunt was using his position at Sosman & Landis to his advantage to discredit any new iteration of Sosman & Landis.  This would all happen in November 1923 while he was on site in Binghamton.

On October 17, 1923, Binghamton’s “Press and Sun-Bulletin” featured Moses and his work. The article was entitled “Vies with Nature in Realms of Beauty,” and stated, “Thomas G. Moses Wields a Well-nigh Magic Brush in Painting Scenery, Curtains and Drops for New Masonic Temple.”  Here is the article in its entirety:

   “Thomas G. Moses of Chicago. Representing New York Studios, who is painting scenery, curtains and drops for the stage in the auditorium of the Masonic Temple under construction at Main and Murray streets, need no assistance of Brownies or other mystical helpers in making things beautiful in the opinion of those who have seen examples of his work.

   Fairyland in all its mystical wonderfulness could not surpass the beauty that is represented on the canvas with the paint from the brushes carefully wielded by Moses. Mechanical curtains on which a moon may be seen rising, Persian temple interiors and water, wooded and open scenes are all in the new temple to bring admiration from all the Masons who are privileged to see them all.

   Forty drops are being painted by Mr. Moses.”

[Moses was being paid $2,500 dollars for the project, so we can estimate that his average painting fee per drop was no more than $62.50/each, assuming he wasn’t paying for travel, lodging or meals out of that amount. The money equivalent of $62.50 in 1923 is $952.02 in 2021.The contract was for $12,000]

“Each set is used for some one of the 32 degrees prescribed in the ranks of the fraternity. Each degree is exemplified in a different setting. Some are on the plains, others in a temple painted from Biblical descriptions of King Solomon’s temple, extensive Egyptian quarries and water scenes.

   The full equipment will be used for the first time on Nov. 18, 19 and 20, when the annual reunion of Otseningo Consistory, Ancient Accepted Scottish Rite, will be held. Exemplification of degree work at that time will be the first that it has been done in full form in four years. Equipment of the Masonic body was destroyed four years ago in a fire in the temple on Chenango street.

   All paintings of the scenery are done by Mr. Moses from scale drawings which he completed several months ago. The small scale drawings were drawn from outlines by officers of lodges here. Mr. Moses on a platform suspended from the top of the loft sketches in charcoal on the canvass the scene which he wishes to paint.

   Mr. Moses is assisted by Edward Loitz, who has traveled from coast to coast with Mr. Moses working on many contracts. Installation of the drops is supervised by H. E. Naile. The three men have worked together in many cities, their last contract being in Little Rock, Ark.

   The stage in the temple here and the scenery and drops being painted are the largest ever handled in a Masonic Temple by Mr. Moses. He says he is well satisfied with the progress of his work and in a short time it will be finished. He expects to remain here to paint some work for another temple.

   Products of the brush of Mr. Moses and his assistant, Mr. Loitz, are not entirely new to Binghamton. Mr. Moses painted the landscapes and architectural exteriors for the State hospital theater and Mr. Loitz did the interiors. Mr. Moses painted the original scenery for the Stone Opera House and upon visiting that place a few days ago he found some of the equipment still in use.

   Tom Moses, as he is nationally known, was found today busily engaged in painting a drop 21 feet by 40 feet representing an interior of an old German chapel. The picture is complete with stained glass windows and the chapel is profusely decorated with flags, shields and bits of armor.

   Tom Moses’ father was a captain of a sailing vessel and when he left the bounding main he started a leather business. He intended his son should follow his footsteps. The world might have been richer with a reliable captain or an expert on leather, but Tom had ideas for a different vocation, and thus the world has not been deprived of a master painter who transfers the sometimes unreal to the real with an intricate movement of his paint brush.

   All this was 45 years ago. During the 45 years he has been painting scenery, Mr. Moses has gained much praise throughout the land. His friends are legion. He is short and stocky and has a radiating personality that brings a friendly reception wherever he goes and he has no enemies.

   Born in Liverpool, England, in 1856, more than 67 years ago, of English parentage, Mr. Moses came to America with his father and mother but when a little child and settled in Sterling, Ill. His father was a sea captain and later a tanner. Tom’s mother, who died when he was but a youngster, possessed an exceedingly artistic nature and did much to install into her son the love of artistic.

   Tom’s father was strict and was certain that the boy would be “better off” as a tanner with his brawny arms wrestling with a piece of hairy hide and covered with tannin. Use of a hickory switch proved to Tom that this would probably be much after his father declared only starvation faced the starving artists.

   One try at the tanning game convinced Tom that he would rather be an artist. At the age of 17 he left home “with a forwarding address.” He hired out as a paint boy in the Chicago studio of P. M. Almini. Louis Malmsha, director of the company, recognized the ability in the recently hired paint boy. In a year he had advanced in wages from $4 a week to $21, but the rapid rise was due to his persevering work.

   Robert Hopkin, a scenic artist in Detroit, Mich., was the next person to obtain the services of the rising artist. At the age of 20 he returned to his home and married Miss Ella Robbin. The couple lived there until 1880 when they went to Chicago where Mr. Moses started working for the Sosman & Landis Co. He painted the first work of this concern.

   In his long and varied career, Mr. Moses has done work for many famous artists and for many famous productions. It was he who designed and executed the original “Floradora” sets for John C. Fisher. He did them, not only once, but four times. The work of Tom Keene, John McCullough, Booth and Barrett, Col. Cody (Buffalo Bill), Julia Marlowe, Robert Lober, Joseph Murphy, Conried and Herman, Emma Abbott, Emma Juch, Sarah Bernhardt, Mme. Modjeska, and score of other greater and lesser figures of the American stage was enhanced by scenery executed by Thomas G. Moses.

   Some of the famous productions, in addition to “Floradora,” which Mr. Moses has made are “Shenandoah,” and “Old Kentucky,” famous melodramas; “Marie Antoinette,” “Mary Stuart” and “Macbeth” for Mme. Modjeska; “Judas” for Mme. Bernhardt. Joseph Jefferson’s last “Rip Van Winkle”;  “The Holy City,” “By Right Sword,” “Lost in the Desert,” “Quo Vadis,” “The Witch,” “Robinson Crusoe,” “Ben Hur” and scores of other big productions.

   He has also produced some of those famous Luna Park spectacles at Coney Island, such as “Fire and Flames,” “The War of the Worlds,” “Trip to the Moon,” “20,000 Leagues Under the Sea,” “The Streets of Delhi” and others. “The Streets of Delhi” was produced at a cost of $100,000.

   In the art world outside of scene painting he has received much recognition. He has the distinction of being a member of the world-famous Salmagundi club, that noted organization of artists in New York. Mr. Moses is also a member of the Chicago Society of Arts, the famous Palette and Chisel Club, the California Art Club of Los Angeles and the Laguna Art association of Laguna Beach, Cal.

   Rapid advance of motion pictures has crimped the scenic painting industry, Mr. Moses says. “Because of the fewer number of dramatic shows now there is a less demand for drops. Movies take the place of the dramatic productions that one time held sway.”

To be continued…

Tales from a Scenic Artist and Scholar. Part 1056 – Fred Marshall and the Ascher Bros. Capitol Theatre in Manitowoc, Wisconsin, 1920

Copyright © 2020 by Wendy Waszut-Barrett

In 1920 Thomas G. Moses wrote, “Marshall also closed up a contract with the Ascher Brothers, so we have plenty of business.” 

Fred Marshall was a scenic artist and salesman who would later represent the United Scenic Artists’ Association of New York City. Born in Woodridge, New Jersey, on March 24, 1895, he was the son of Louisiana native and mural artist, Frederick Marshall, Sr. (b. 1851).

Marshall was first mentioned in Moses’ memoirs in 1918. When Moses resigned as President of the Sosman and Landis Company on Sept. 1, 1918, he joined New York Studios. Moses fully expected to get a studio and an office to do business as part of the contract, but finding space was an unending problem.  Moses wrote, “Marshall of the New York Studios and I had to hustle out for a studio.  Got an office in the Consumers Building.  I did two borders for the Chateau Theatre at the old place.  We tried very hard to buy out the old place, but they want too much money.  I was willing to make a big reduction on my claim, but it was no use.  We have to find a studio.” He worked closely with Marshall in 1918 and again in 1920. Unfortunately, Moses would only last with New York Studios for a year before signing another contract with Chicago Studios.

Marshall became a real mover and shaker in the world of American scenic art world.  However, in 1920, he was a young man of young man of 25 working as a studio salesman. The contract that he landed that year was with Ascher Bros., managers of the Ascher Theatres chain.  In 1920, Ascher Theatres included the Oakland Square Theatre, Metropolitan Theatre, Frolic Theatre, Columbus Theatre, Peerless Theatre, Kenwood Theatre, Chateau Theatre, Lakeside Theatre, Terminal Theatre, Albany Park Theatre, Adelphi Theatre, Calo Theatre, Milford Theatre, Lane Court Theatre, Midway Theatre (Chicago Eagle, 6 March 1920, page 9).

On Nov. 6, 1920, the “Post-Crescent” reported of a new theater in Manitowoc – the Capitol (Appleton, Wisconsin, page 7): “The new Capitol theater being built by George Bros. Co. upon its completion will be leased to Ascher Bros., well known lessees of vaudeville and motion picture houses of Chicago. This was announced following a visit to Manitowoc of Lewis P. Newhafer, general manager of Ascher Bros., and J. J. Cotter, mechanical expert who conferred with the builders. The theater will be opened the latter part of December. It will be used as a movie, as well as a legitimate playhouse. George Bros. are spending $200,000 on the venture.” I think that this is the contract that Marshall landed that year.

Aschers Capitol Theatre in Manitowoc, Wisconsin.
Aschers Capitol Theatre in Manitowoc, Wisconsin.
Aschers Capitol Theatre in Manitowoc, Wisconsin.

The George Bros. would have been responsible for the construction of the building, but not the scenery on stage; that would have been the responsibility of the lessees – the Ascher Bros. Therefore, Marshall would have negotiated the scenery for the Capitol in 1920, meaning that Sosman & Landis delivered the scenery to Manitowoc.

In an unbelievable twist of fate, I toured the Capital last summer. Here is my post about the space: https://drypigment.net2019/08/04/travels-of-a-scenic-artist-and-scholar-aschers-capitol-theatre-in-manitowoc-wisconsin/

I even photographed some snippets of the original scenery, tucked away in the nooks and crannies; high quality stuff. What a small world.

Extant flat at the Capitol Theatre in Manitowoc, Wisconsin.
Painted detail Extant flat at the Capitol Theatre in Manitowoc, Wisconsin.
Painted detail. Extant flat at the Capitol Theatre in Manitowoc, Wisconsin.
Painted detail. Extant flat at the Capitol Theatre in Manitowoc, Wisconsin.

To be continued…

Tales from a Scenic Artist and Scholar. Part 1027 – The New Studio 1919

Copyright © 2020 by Wendy Waszut-Barrett

In 1919, Thomas G. Moses wrote, “Found the new studio in good shape and we will be able to get a lot of work, as it is so far ahead of the Peltz and Carson Studio.” This was written in July.  Since September Moses had been looking for a new studio on behalf of New York Studios. On September 1, 1918, he resigned as president at Sosman & Landis and began working for the firm, but he only lasted a year. This is not surprising as New York Studios was run by former Sosman & Landis employee David H. Hunt. Hunt established New York Studios as an eastern affiliate of Sosman & Landis in 1910. It wasn’t really a regional branch; as Sosman & Landis had previously established regional branches, such as Kansas City Scenic Co. run by Lem Graham.

New York Studios was different; a separate entity that really seemed to take advantage of the Sosman & Landis name, labor and resources, giving little in return. This always irked Moses, so I have to wonder what caused Moses to quit and work for a man who he really didn’t like at all. However, Hunt had lured Moses away from Sosman & Landis before, but a long time before – 1894. This was when there was a lull in business after the Columbian exposition; Sosman & Landis scenic artists scrambled for any outside work after weekly wages were ridiculously reduced from a drop in demand. Of his 1894 departure, Moses wrote, “Sosman and Landis didn’t like my being with Hunt as they felt I was slipping away again, which I did.”

From the fall of 1918 to the summer of 1919 Moses spent much of his time looking for an acceptable studio, finally renting the Peltz and Carsen space in Chicago on behalf of New York Studios. Unfortunately, Moses only benefited from the new studio for little over a month.  By September 1919, Moses wrote, “A new contract was entered into between the Chicago Studios and myself for one year.” So, what happened?

That summer Moses wrote “Our work kept up very good at the studio.” New York Studio projects include settings for the Pittsburgh Shrine, Denver Shrine, Pittsburgh’s Albin Theatre Albin Theatre. It all seemed to be going well until just after he went on a sketching trip with Alex DeBeers. 

It has taken me a while to recognize something, a pattern in Moses’ career. Change for Moses always occurred after spending an extended period of time with a close friend, a fellow scenic artist, or his after painting a series of fine art piece. It seems as though there was some type of conversation (whether inner dialogue or chat with a colleague) that suggested work would be better elsewhere. Moses left the employ of Sosman & Landis four times between 1880-1904. When he finally returned in 1904, he lasted until 1918, but this was when he became vice-president and then later president of the company. Right before each decision to leave the company, Moses was working away from the main studio, possibly thinking that there were greener pastures elsewhere, so I began to contemplate his departures from Sosman & Landis in 1882, 1887, 1894, 1900 and 1918.

In 1882, Moses left Sosman & Landis to partner with Lemuel L. Graham after spending a pleasant time with Will Davis on a project in Richmond, Indiana. That year Moses wrote, “1882 found me just as restless to do something big, and I drifted along with the regular work, until about May, when Graham’s season as the theatre closed.  We got together and I quit the firm after refusing a big salary – that is, for me.” He had been accepting outside work and helping Graham with several projects before he tendered his resignation.

In 1887, Moses also left; this was after he returned to his hometown to refurbish an old project. He had completed eight years earlier.  At the time, Moses wrote, “My discontent with studio work got the upper hand and I quit on February 11th, and joined Burridge, Moses and Louderback.”

In 1894, Moses struck out on his own for two years. This occurred after a lull in work and spending time on his own art. It was a constant stream of projects in the Sosman & Landis studio that often prohibited Moses from doing any fine art; that was his true goal. In 1885 Moses wrote, “I was ambitious to do something besides [being] a scene painter, to leave something besides a name, which is about all a scene painter leaves as his scenic work is soon painted out.” I think it was really this desire that prompted Moses to leave Sosman & Landis every time, hoping he would be able to carve out a little time for his own painting. Any art that he produced for Sosman & Landis was ephemeral and attributed to the studio, under names that were not his.

Ironically, his work would become so intertwined with Sosman & Landis, that he would eventually purchase the name after the company liquidated in 1923. It has to have been hard, knowing that his legacy would always be associated with a scenic firm that did not include his own last name. Moses & Graham (1882-1883), Burridge Moses & Louderback (1887-1888), Moses (1894-1896) and Moses & Hamilton (1901-1904) were all very short lived, Sosman & Landis lasted for decades. The scenery associated with his own firms disappeared long before Moses passed away. In fact, much of what remains of Moses scenic art are installations delivered by Sosman & Landis. Moses had no way of knowing that work painted for Masonic theaters would far outlast his other commercial endeavors; forming historical time capsules that are only now disappearing.

So, in 1919 Moses went on a sketching trip with Alex DeBeers. He wrote, “The last of August, Alex DeBeers and I started for Utica, Illinois, from where we struck into the Starved Rock country for a few days of sketching.  We found it very good.  This trip is also included in my travelogues.” After his return to the new studio, Moses worked on only one more protect then left New York Studios, writing, ““A new contract was entered into between the Chicago Studios and myself for one year.” What was discussed on that sketching trip?

To be continued…

Tales from a Scenic Artist and Scholar. Part 1014 – From New York Studios to The Chicago Studios, 1919

Copyright © 2020 by Wendy Waszut-Barrett

In 1904 Moses left a successful New York partnership in 1904; this was the business endeavor with William F. Hamilton, Moses & Hamilton. Sosman placed a series of incentives to draw Moses back to Chicago that included $5,000 in stock and a position as vice-president. Additionally, he also assumed all control over design, construction, painting, and installation at the firm. When Sosman passed away in 1915, Moses was elected president. Unfortunately, that was right in the midst of a challenging period, WWI, a measles outbreak, the Spanish Flu and a recession. It seemed that everything was falling apart and the demand for painted scenes was beginning to diminish nationwide.

By the summer of 1918, working at Sosman & Landis became untenable. On September 1, 1918, Thomas G Moses resigned as the president of Sosman & Landis, and started working for New York Studios, the eastern affiliate of Sosman & Landis. New York Studios was run by David H. Hunt. By the end of 1918, Moses wrote, “I am afraid that I will not be satisfied with my new deal.” Part of the problem was securing a studio space. Add in the fact that Moses never liked Hunt to begin with and his new employment was doomed from the start. Hunt consistently promised big and delivered small; Moses really should have known better by this point in his career.

During the fall of 1918 Moses hoped to line up a few projects along the west coast.  Of possible California living, he wrote, “Mama and I would like to go out there.  The hardest part of that will be the giving up of the old home and moving away from all the friends and children, but I don’t think it would take all that much coaxing to have the children move after us, which would all be fine. If I could only get a financial settlement with Sosman and Landis Company, we would go to California this winter.”

Needless to say, he remained in Chicago for the winter. His New York Studios projects ended up being built and painted in the Peltz & Carson shops. Of the experience, Moses wrote, “…rather hard to do in the Peltz and Carson Studio on account of the low ceilings, being obliged to paint one part on the upper floor and the balance on the lower floor.  The studio was always warm and dry; in fact, too warm at times, which was almost as bad as not being warm enough.” 

Of the search for a better studio space during the spring of 1919, Moses commented, “We looked at several buildings for a studio, but none seemed right to fill the bill.  The only way to get one and have it right is to build one.” Early on, Sosman & Landis built a deluxe studio that was often toted as the largest one in the United States.  When their main studio could not accommodate all projects, Sosman & Landis rented a series of spaces that they referred to as “annex studios.”  Although New York Studios had long been marketed as the eastern affiliate of Sosman & Landis, there were never the funds to build a permanent structure for scenic work. In the end Moses severed his relationship with New York Studios in 1919.

By summertime, Moses wrote, “A new contract was entered into between the Chicago Studios and myself for one year. I hope it will prove to be a paying one in which I participate in the profits and a raise in salary, which means my old salary of $100.00 and a bonus.” This means that when he left Sosman & Landis to work with New York Studios, he took a pay cut. His base salary returned to normal when he began working for Chicago Studios.

About this time, The Chicago Studios placed a want ad in the “Chicago Tribune” on Sept. 13, 1919: “MEN – YOUNG. TO LEARN THEATRICAL scene painting; excellent opportunity for those inclined. The Chicago Studios, 15 W. 20th-st” (page 21).

From the “Chicago Tribune,” 13 Sept. 1919, page 21.

By Nov. 1, 1919, the want ad in the “Chicago Tribune” was a little more descriptive:

“MEN-YOUN, BETWEEN THE AGES OF 16 and 21 to learn to paint theatrical scenery; must start in as paint boy and work up; salary to start $15 per week; an excellent opportunity for one who wishes to learn the trade. Apply Chicago Studios 15 W. 20th-st” (page 25).

From the “Chicago Tribune,” 1 Nov . 1919, page 25.

It is difficult to track down information for The Chicago Studios; much has to do with the name. Similar to New York Studios, the firm’s name is also used to denote location of other businesses. For example, in 1919, newspapers credited scenery to the Chicago Studio of Sosman & Landis. Essanay Motion Picture company also referred to their Chicago Studio. And on top of everything else, there was also another Chicago company named “Chicago Studio,” one that specialized in music.

Letterhead for The Chicago Studios after they moved to a new location in the 1920s – the old shop of Sosman & Landis.

To be continued…

Tales from a Scenic Artist and Scholar. Part 998 – The Hamlin Theatre Picture Set, Chicago, 1918

Copyright © 2020 by Wendy Waszut-Barrett

In the life and times of Those G. Moses, it’s September 1918. Moses is now working for New York Studios, having resigned as president of Sosman & Landis on September 1, 1918. On October 10, he will be injured when a boy riding a bicycle accidentally knocks him down in the street.

By mid-September Moses was looking for a studio to paint in He wrote, “We got the 20th Street Studio for a month to month rental.  It is pretty cold there but we can manage to keep going.  We made Models and received the picture set order for the Hamlin Theatre.  $1,000.00 is not much for the set.”

Chicago’s Hamlin Theatre was constructed in 1914 and located at 3826 West Madison Street, it was a 298-set venue that would close by 1929. According to cinematreasures.org, the space was later converted into an AmVets Hall (http://cinematreasures.org/theaters/45100). I have only identified a few advertisements for the movie house to date. The Hamlin Theater is a hard one to track down because over the years there were a few Hamlin Theaters that operated in Chicago during the late nineteenth and early twentieth century.

In addition to the 1914 Hamlin Theatre, there were two other Hamlin Theatres built in Chicago during 1926; one was on W. Madison and the other on W. Belmont. The one that Moses delivered the picture set to was for the one on W. Madison.

Over the past few years, the most difficult part in tracking down Moses’ theater projects is locating the correct venue. Many theaters across the country used the same name because they were part of a circuit. Think of the names like Orpheum, Lyceum, Fox, Majestic, and so on.  There were also some cities that had multiple theaters with the same name; I just don’t understand this at all. In a few cases, two theaters with the same name would open with the same name in the same year.  Why anyone ever thought this was a good idea is astounding, as it never ended well as simply confused people.

When Moses received the picture set order for the Hamlin Theatre in 1918, it was primarily a movie house.  By 1917, the Hamlin featured the same films as the Kimbark Theatre, Milford Theatre, Oakland Sq. Theatre, Lane Ct. Theatre, Ziegfeld Theatre and Halfield Theatre.

Advertisement in the “Chicago tribune” 23 April 1919, page 20.

The actual project that Moses was referring to included the painted surround for a projection screen. Unlike today’s use of a simply white screen, elaborate compositions filled the area between the projection surface and the proscenium arch.  What makes this confusing, however, is the use of the term “picture set.”  In 1918, “picture set” was used to identify the painted surround manufactured by scenic studios for movie theaters. It also identified the actual settings used for films, such as the picture set for “Tarzan of the Apes.”

On Oct. 27, 1918, the “Boston Globe” also introduced a new definition for “pictures sets” (page 36).  An article reported, “There are four stages used in “Chin Chin Chow” at the Schubert Theatre – the regular stage, and three small miniature stages on rollers, which show what are known as the “picture sets” being like small scenes viewed through a window. This stage device is new and somewhat resembles the closeups of the movies, only on a bigger scale.” This last use of “picture sets” has me a little baffled. For a little context about the production, “Chu Chin Chow” was a massive spectacle set in ancient Bagdad. The show included fourteen scenes with eighteen musical numbers and a company of three hundred.

To be continued…

Tales from a Scenic Artist and Scholar. Part 990 – New York Studios and Fred Marshall, 1918

Copyright © 2020 by Wendy Waszut-Barrett

In 1918, Thomas G. Moses wrote, “September 1st, I resigned as President of the Sosman and Landis Company which severs my connection with the firm after thirty-eight years of service.  I joined the New York Studios and expect to get a studio and an office to do business.”

1927 New York Studios advertisement from “Scenic Artist,” Vol 1 No 1, May 1927.

Quick recap about New York Studios: Former Sosman & Landis secretary and treasurer, David H. Hunt, established New York Studios in 1910.  The firm was intended to be an eastern affiliate of Sosman & Landis.  Remember that Sosman & Landis established Kansas City Scenic Co. as a regional branch in the nineteenth century. However, the relationship between the two studios became strained after Moses became president of Sosman & Landis. Moss and Hunt had never really got along well, so I was quite surprised that Moses left Sosman & Landis to work at New York Studios in 1918.  It must have been quite bad for Moses at Sosman & Landis for him to pull the plug after thirty-eight years.  One has to wonder what was going on between the studio and the stockholders, as well as the company’s finances.

Of his new job, Moses wrote, “Marshall of the New York Studios and I had to hustle out for a studio.  Got an office in the Consumers Building.  I did two borders for the Chateau Theatre at the old place.  We tried very hard to buy out the old place, but they want too much money.  I was willing to make a big reduction on my claim, but it was no use.  We have to find a studio.”

Moses was referring to Fred Marshall, a scenic artist who would later represent the United Scenic Artists’ Association of New York City. Born on March 24, 1895, in Woodridge, New Jersey. He was the son of Louisiana native, Frederick Marshal, Sr. (b. 1851), an artist who specialized in mural paintings and contemporary of Moses. WWII draft records describe the younger Marshall’s appearance as 6’-2” and 190 lbs., gray hair, blue eyes and a ruddy complexion.

While looking for information about Marshall, I came across three interesting finds that are worth sharing to give some context to his role in American theatre history. The first was a 1936 Columbia University doctoral thesis by Charles Lionel Franklin, A.M., entitled, “The Negro Labor Unionist of New York, Problems and Conditions among Negro in the Labor Unions in Manhattan with Special Reference to the N.R.A. and post- N.R.A. Situations.”  The dissertation included interviews with Max Graft (Secretary of the U.S.A.A.) and Marshall (business representative of the U.S.A.A.). Graft was quoted as stating that the United Scenic Artists’ Association was “Organized in 1918. First it was explained that this local has jurisdiction over all workers in the Eastern United States. In its membership there were at one time two Negroes. One, a New York man who joined in 1918, dropped out in 1925. He was one of the first members. The other Negro member now in the union is a resident of Pittsburgh. In the local there are 339 members. The initiation fee is $500.00, $250.00 with application and $250. With initiation and yearly dues of $48.00.”  On August 29, 1936, Marshall explained that the union’s “Membership was open to “any person who follows any branch of work within the jurisdiction of the scenic artists crafts for a livelihood.”  Here is a link to the entire dissertation as it is certainly worth the read: https://dspace.gipe.ac.in/xmlui/bitstream/handle/10973/22326/GIPE-014119-Contents.pdf?sequence=2&isAllowed=y

Marshall was also interviewed in 1937 for the Emergency Relief Appropriation Hearings before the Committee on Appropriations, United States Senate Seventy-Fifth Congress, First Session on H. J. Res.361 The following is included from June 1937:

“Statement of Fred Marshall, United Scenic Artists’ Association of New York City.

Mr. Marshall: Gentlemen, I have nothing further to add to what has been said. I represent just the local in New York. We have three locals throughout the United States but I speak for New York. We had a membership of 490 in 1928, and we have some 320. We did try to discourage people from coming into the business. We closed our books and tried to discourage the schools teaching scenic designs, and so forth, as we did not see any advantage in bringing a lot of people into a business that had no future. But we did notice a pick-up since the Federal Theater started and we do dope it will be made a national institution, that the Government will make it a national theater. It is purely seasonal theater now with work for 5 months a years and the other 7 months of intermittently here and there; nut we do get about five months regular employment for all our people, and the other 7 months they do nothing; but we would like to see it become a national institution.” He spoke alongside Dorothy Bryant, Chorus Equity Association, Alfred Harding, Actors Equity Association, Fred J. Dempsey, International Alliance of Theatrical Stage Employees, and David Freed, American Federation of Musicians for Emergency Relief Appropriation (page 236). They were concerned with the Woodrum amendment. Dempsey explained that of their 30,000 members, only 15,000 have work.”

Finally, in 1939 Marshall was listed as part of the Amusement Committee for the NY Worlds Fair, as the business representative for the United Scenic Artists of America, Local No. 829, 251 West Forty-second Street, NY. He was mentioned in the New York World’s Fair Hearings before the Committee on Foreign Affairs, House of Representatives Seventy-fifth Congress, First Session on H. J. Res. 234 and H. J. Res 304 Authorizing Federal Participation in the New York World’s Fair, 1939).

The point that I am trying to make is that Marshall was a mover and shaker in the scenic art world, but as a young man of 23 in 1918 he was walking around New York in search of a studio for Moses.

To be continued…

Tales from a Scenic Artist and Scholar. Part 989 – William F. Hamilton, 1918

Copyright © 2020 by Wendy Waszut-Barrett

In 1918, Thomas G. Moses wrote, “I made a lot of models and sketches for floats for Labor Day.  Hamilton came out from New York to superintend the work.  He always drops into a fat job somewhere.” Moses was referring working with William F. Hamilton again. The project was floats for the San Francisco Labor Day. The parade of 1918 focused on labor unions and worker’s rights, with eighty-seven unions participating in the parade that day, spread out over seven divisions.

Article about the San Francisco Labor Day parade in 1918, From the “San Francisco Chronicle,” 3 Sept 1918, page 11.
Detail from the “San Francisco Chronicle,” 3 Sept 1918, page 11.
Detail from the “San Francisco Chronicle,” 3 Sept 1918, page 11.
Detail from the “San Francisco Chronicle,” 3 Sept 1918, page 11.

It has been more than two years since I explored the life of scenic artist Will Hamilton and the short-lived firm of Moses & Hamilton. It is time to recap, because I think that working with Hamilton during the summer of 1918 prompted Moses to tender his resignation to Sosman & Landis by that fall. Hamilton may have reminded him that better opportunities were lurking elsewhere, and that Sosman & Landis was a sinking ship.

Moses first met Hamilton in 1892 when they were both hired to design the models and paint scenery for “Ben Hur,” the pantomime tableaux (see past installment 256 https://drypigment.net2017/11/22/tales-from-a-scenic-artist-and-scholar-acquiring-the-fort-scott-scenery-collection-for-the-minnesota-masonic-heritage-center-part-256-thomas-g-moses-painting-scenery-for-the-ben-hur-tableaux-and/).

Less than a decade later, the two established Moses & Hamilton in New York.  The partnership lasted until 1904 when Moses returned to Chicago to become vice-president at Sosman & Landis studio. When Perry Landis had to leave the company for health reasons, Sosman assumed many of the administrative and marketing duties.  Therefore, someone was needed to supervise all design, construction, painting and installation.

Moses & Hamilton advertisement in Julius Cahn’s Official Theatrical Guide, 1903-1904.

It had been difficult for Moses to leave in 1904. That year he wrote, “When I had to tell Hamilton, I almost gave in to stay with him, for he was awfully broken up over it.” Moses was leaving a good friend, a good crew, and good work, hoping for something even better upon his return in Chicago. This was especially difficult as the theatrical center of the United States was shifting to New York.

Moses & Hamilton had assembled a paint crew at the Proctor’s 125th Street Theatre only three years earlier. Their staff included Ed Loitz, Otto Armbruster and Al Robert. Projects were plentiful, and consistently spread across three theatres: The American Theatre, Proctor’s Twenty-third Street Theatre, and Proctor’s 125th Street Theater.  Thomas G. Moses was the lead scenic artist at the American Theater, William F. Hamilton was the lead scenic artist for Proctor’s Twenty-third Street Theatre, and Al Roberts was the lead scenic artist at Proctor’s 125th Street Theatre.

For three years, Moses & Hamilton had more work than they could handle, producing scenery for opera, vaudeville, and other entertainments. Their work for Frederick Thompson at Luna Park included “A Trip to the Moon,” “20,000 Leagues Under the Sea” “War of the Worlds,” and “Fire and Flames.” A few of Moses & Hamilton’s Broadway designs included “Under the Southern Skies” (Theatre Republic, Nov. 12, 1901 to Jan. 1902), “In Dahomey” (New York Theatre, Feb. 18, 1903 to April 4, 1903, with a return to the Grand Opera House from August to September, 1904), “The Medal and the Maid” (Broadway Theatre, Jan. 11, 1904 to Feb. 20, 1904, Grand Opera House, March 1904), “The Pit” (Lyric Theatre, Feb. 10, 1904, to April 1904), and “Girls Will Be Girls” (Haverly’s 14th Street Theatre, Aug. 27, 1904 to Sept. 3, 1904). Their work was sought after by Helena Modjeska, John C. Fisher, Henry Savage, and other well-known theatre personalities.

Another advertisement for Moses & Hamilton.

Even after Moses & Hamilton folded, the two continued working together on a variety of projects across the country until 1909. Moses remained at Sosman & Landis, while Hamilton worked at New York Studios, the eastern affiliate of Sosman & Landis. However, as business picked up at Sosman & Landis, it became more and more difficult for Moses to do any outside work with Hamilton.  Previously, he earned extra income by taking on these outside projects. Part of the perks was his being able to use the studio for night work. However, as Sosman & Landis took on more and more work, hours were extended into the evening, prohibiting outside projects.

So work slows down during the war years, and Hamilton comes around again. It was no coincidence that Hamilton shows up in July and Moses resigns as president of Sosman & Landis less than two months later. Moses wrote, “September 1st, I resigned as President of the Sosman and Landis Company which severs my connection with the firm after thirty-eight years of service.  I joined the New York Studios and expect to get a studio and an office to do business.” On September 2nd Moses recorded, “There was a big Labor Day parade and such a crowd.  Mama and I went down but were very careful not to get in the thick of it.” That was his first day of freedom from Sosman & Landis, his first day without the worry of being president at the company.

To be continued…

Tales from a Scenic Artist and Scholar. Part 955 – New York Studios and Youngstown, Ohio, 1917

Copyright © 2020 by Wendy Waszut-Barrett

Postcard of Youngstown, Ohio, in 1917.

In 1917, Thomas G. Moses wrote, “A good contract came in from Youngstown, Ohio, to replace some New York Studios work.” It is difficult to determine which Youngstown theater Sosman & Landis delivered scenery to that year. We know it was not a new theater though, as the contract was to replace scenery previously installed by New York Studios.

New York Studios was the eastern affiliate of Sosman & Landis. Former Sosman & Landis employee, David H. Hunt, established the firm in 1910. What makes Moses’ entry interesting, however, is Moses’ entry about New York Studios the year before. In 1916, he wrote, “Our business relations with the New York Studios are a bit strained, and we have notified them that hereafter there would be no restricted district for us, and we did not care what they did.  Pennsylvania and New York used to be our very best states, and we were going after them again.”  

Sosman & Landis depended on repeat customers, as did most scenic studios, including New York Studios. Therefore, Sosman & Landis targeting a theater with existing New York Studios scenery, especially after Moses notified Hunt that there would be no restricted districts, certainly reinforced his stance.

I have explored New York Studios in many past posts. Here is the most recent post with additional information about Hunt and his studio https://drypigment.net2020/03/11/tales-from-a-scenic-artist-and-scholar-part-928-restricted-districts-and-new-york-studios-1916/

To be continued…

Tales from a Scenic Artist and Scholar. Part 928 – Restricted Districts and New York Studios, 1916

Copyright © 2020 by Wendy Waszut-Barrett

1927 advertisement for New York Studios.

In 1916, Thomas G. Moses wrote, “Our business relations with the New York Studios are a bit strained, and we have notified them that hereafter there would be no restricted district for us, and we did not care what they did.  Pennsylvania and New York used to be our very best states, and we were going after them again.”  To fully understand Moses’ sentiment, we need to look at Moses relationship with the founder of New York Studios, David H. Hunt.  First of all, Moses never cared for Hunt.

After establishing the unsuccessful theatrical management firm of Sosman, Landis & Hunt in 1894, Hunt convinced Sosman to invest in another scenic studio in 1910, New York Studios. The new company was promoted as the eastern affiliate of Sosman & Landis, well… kind of. Since the 1880s, Sosman & Landis maintained regional offices across the country, but these were mutually beneficial relationships. For example, in 1887 Sosman & Landis established a branch in Kansas City, Missouri, under the direction of Lemuel L. Graham; it was known as the Kansas City Scenic Co., but Lem also did business under his own name too. In the late 1880s Sosman & Landis also established a regional office in New York City.  Multiple locations were the key to success. Just like we hear “shop local,” that sentiment held true in the late-nineteenth and early twentieth century for theatrical projects. Visiting a studio in a nearby town was far better than hiring the unknown firm from a distant studio.

The real issue was that Hunt’s business plans, first and foremost, benefitted Hunt and not his investors or affiliates. In other words, New York Studios gained a massive support network such as Sosman & Landis staff, connections, materials and studio space. I have yet to figure out if there was really any added benefit for Sosman & Landis, but for whatever reason, Sosman had a soft spot for Hunt and went along with many of his schemes. When Sosman passed away in 1915 and Moses was elected president of Sosman & Landis, Hunt no longer had an advocate at the Chicago studio and the gravy train abruptly halted. So, when Moses wrote, “Pennsylvania and New York used to be our very best states, and we were going after them again,” he really threw down the gauntlet at Hunt and a feud began, . The two studios would now wrestle over territories. Moses previously played by an old set of rules, based on respect and gentlemen’s agreements; he was unprepared for the next generation of studio owners as the playing field changed. Hunt was ruled by a different set of motivators – his own self-interest.  In all appearances, Hunt was a slick talker and salesman. So, here is the background between Moses and Hunt…

Moses first met Hunt in 1893, and the two soon paired off on quite a few projects by 1894. In 1897, however,  Moses and Hunt began to disagree. That year Moses recorded an event that concerned Edith Chapman’s production of “Charity Ball.” This is the beginning of a truly unhappy relationship. Here is what Moses wrote:

Mr. Hunt found fault with my neutral coloring and said one day, “Why don’t you make some positive color decoration like pink or green?”

I had the first act of “Held by the Enemy” on the frame – a southern interior. 

I said, “Alright, I will make this a pink wall and cream colored woodwork.”

“Fine,” said he.  I did so.  I did not consult Miss Chapman as usual. The scene was set.  I was in front as usual during the performance.  Miss Chapman entered.  I saw her look up the scene and almost fall back.  She had on a shell pink, deep flounced and a very full hoop skirt. 

I nearly fainted.  I was sick.  I rushed back at the close of the act and found her in tears.  As soon as she saw me, she said, “Oh, why did you do it – didn’t you know I was going the limit on my dress?”  She had forgotten that I did not consult her as  I usually did.  I pointed to Mr. Hunt.  “There is the one I tried to please.”  Hunt then realized he was wrong, and I had been right all season.  I painted out the wall color the next morning, for it simply killed Miss Chapman’s dress, as there was so much of it.”

That same season Moses continued, “The different newspapers gave our work splendid notice every week. For one paper on which Mr. Montgomery Phister was the critic, and his son was the artist, I made a heading for each week’s article on the play at the Pyke – drawing in ink the principal scenes.  Hunt never knew that I did it – he flattered himself the paper was doing it.  Phister had been a scenic artist in his young days and was in full sympathy with the artist. 

One day he said to Hunt for a joke – “I think Moses uses too much raw umber.”

Hunt repeated this to me as his own idea.  I was sure someone that knew color had been at Hunt, so I said, “Raw Umber!  What kind of color is that?  I don’t use it at all.” 

He was stumped and didn’t know what to say.  He went back to Phister, who in turn told me.  We had a hearty laugh over it.” 

I bet they did, and then the battles increased in intensity. The war began in earnest during one of Sosman’s absences from the studio in 1910, likely prompting the establishment of New York Studios.

That year, Moses wrote, “Mr. Sosman went to Europe on January 30th for an extended trip…He had a good bookkeeper, and I depended on him a great deal.  I did some hustling while he was away.  Mr. Hunt was secretary and treasurer, and expected to run the business, but I wouldn’t allow it.  Mr. Hunt kept on the road most of the time… I heard some reports as to what Hunt had reported to Sosman about my treatment towards him.  I got mad and wanted to quit.  Sosman wouldn’t listen to me…Hunt remained away from the studio for some time, before going back home.”  This is when Hunt establishes New York Studios, partially funded by Sosman. I have to wonder if Sosman only invested in Hunt to separate the two, attempting to keep peace. Of the company, Moses wrote, “Hunt had started a New York studio in New York City, and he expected us to do a great deal of work, as he had Sosman invest a small amount.” But there were other contingencies, including the restricted districts that in 1916 Moses chose to ignore. So when one reads Moses 1916 entry, “Our business relations with the New York Studios are a bit strained, and we have notified them that hereafter there would be no restricted district for us, and we did not care what they did,” it takes on a whole new meaning.

In the end, Moses may have picked the wrong man to do battle with that year.

To be continued…